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Agreements Reached in Addis Ababa Failed to Address Major Problems: Panaruu Community in Juba

Date: October, 14, 2012
 
To: 1st Lt Gen. Salva Kiir Mayardit
President of Republic of South Sudan
Chairman of the SPLM Party
C-in-C of the SPLA Army
 
CC: Hon. Dr. Riek Machar Teny, VP of the Republic of South Sudan
CC: Hon. James Wani Igga, Speaker of the South Sudan National Parliament
CC: Council of States
CC: H.EPagan Amum Okiech, SPLM SG & Chief Negotiator
CC: AUHIP
CC: Hilde Johnson, Head of the UNMISS
CC: Gov. Taban Deng Gai, Governor of Unity State
CC: Miabek Lang Bilkuei, Commissioner of Panrieng County
CC: Deng Athuai, Head of Civil Society, South Sudan

Sub: Panaruu Community in Juba have rejected the security arrangements and border agreement recently signed in Addis Ababa

Juba, October 15, 2012 (SSNA) -- October, 14/ 2012. Panaruu Community of Panrieng County, Unity State in Juba have rejected the recent security and border agreement signed in Addis Ababa between the republic of south Sudan and North Sudan. This comes after the Sunday community meeting at South Sudan Hotel One. The meeting comes before one day of Presidential address of the parliament to ratify the agreement signed on September 27, 2012 after marathon summit between the two Presidents of South Sudan and North Sudan.

Panaruu Community seconded other agreements even if we have some reservations about the overall context and their future applications with the exception of security arrangements and Soft border agreement. Panaruu Community was first equally affected in numerous ways during the war, equally contributed during the war, and will be first affected if any eventuality takes place between South-North areas as it recently happened during the 10 days war of Panthou.

And because of these reasons, we strongly believe that Panaruu Community is equal stake holder like other border communities and they should not be ignored, but be included in any process so that workable, lasting and durable solutions be reached. Exclusive and discriminatory policies of the past should be avoided so that we live in a country that belongs to all of us, not theoretically, but in practicality. We therefore want the government of South Sudan under the leadership of Gen. President Salva Kiir Mayardit to be a government of people, by the people, and for the people. A government that listens to its citizens was a cause for the war that claimed millions of lives during the civil war. We cannot afford to live under political, economic, social, and cultural deprivation as it happened under former successive regimes of Khartoum before South Sudan become independent in July 2011.

Panaruu Community meeting resolved the followings:

1. Formation of border follow-up committee with the national government and its Chief Negotiator and the team;
2. Panaruu Community is in solidarity with the Northern Bhar El Ghazall State position on mile 14 area;
3. Seconded all the agreements with the exception of border and security arrangements
4. Requested that border communities be represented during the next round of disputed/contested and claimed areas that will takes place soon or later in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia;
5. That all border communities be represented at all level of border and other technical committees;
6. That the post-succession delegation headed by H.E. Pagan Amum Okiech brief Panaruu Community;  
7. That consultation be made before next round of border talks in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia;
8. That all 4 freedoms be reviewed and regulated before they become a law;
9. That we must not give away our rights to North Sudan because of worsening economic situation and the political pressures from the international community;
10. That all border communities not be excluded from the all processes like before during the CPA negotiation and implementation processes;
11. That all deals must not be done at the expense of others as it is always the case;
12. That any deal must be win-win solution;
13. That Panthou and Jau Payams are part and parcel of the Panrieng County and not be put of the proposed Safe Demilitarized Border Zone (SDBZ);
14. That Panaruu Community rejected AUHIP Map which delineated some crucial border areas that belong to our farming communities;
15. That AUHIP must accept tribal maps for next round of talks on disputed/contested and claimed areas to forge the way forward so that a fair settlement is reached;
16.  That AUHIP should be fair to South Sudan and North Sudan when it comes to mediation, facilitation, and resolutions.

Panaruu Community recommended the following:

1. That President Salva Kiir Mayardit must listen to Panaruu Community in regards to border and security arrangements because this is a very sensitive issue, which will always jeopardize the peaceful existence of the community at the border;
2. That President evaluates the negotiating team before next round of talks because some of the team members are weak to talk tougher with North Sudan when discussing issues;
3. That negotiating team under leadership of H.E Pagan Amum briefs the border communities, including Panaruu Community, otherwise ignoring border communities must be out of touch and deliberate discriminate/exclusivity as it has been always the case. H.E Pagan Amum was wrong when he said that “those who criticize the deal are out of ignorance,” [source: Sudantribune);
4. That zero point must be at Kolek (Kelek), not at Koloch (Teshwin) as proposed;
5. That Panthou Payam has been a disputed area, not a claimed area as it seems to be misunderstood or mystified by many in the South and beyond because it has been a point of recent disagreement and war;
6. That Jau Payam is part and parcel of Panrieng County and must not be mystified politically as disputed/contested or claim area during any deal;
7. We recommend that Panaruu Community be included in border and security arrangement talk and implementation processes;
8. That Government of Republic of South Sudan negotiating team must negotiate faithfully, not out fear or under pressure from any source.

Thanks,

Signed by:

William Deng Ayai Thuc, Community Chairman
Dominic Dau Anyang, Youth Chairman
Mary Abui, Women Chairperson
Simon Achut Kueth, Acting Chairperson of Youth

Is the influx of illegal immigrants into the Republic of South Sudan a time bomb?

By Luk Kuth Dak

January 16, 2013 (SSNA) -- Believe it or not, as experts, pundits and politicians see it, the influx of illegal immigrants into the Republic of South Sudan (RSS) is nothing less than a time bomb.

Occasionally, I am painfully reminded that Juba, the capital city, a place I once called home, is now harboring tens of thousands of undocumented aliens from all over the world, but supremely from the neighboring countries of Kenya, Uganda, Ethiopia, Eritrea and even Somalia, to name a few.

As I always delve when writing an article, a few weeks ago I called Dhanojak Obongo, the distinguished Deputy Head of the Mission at the Republic of South Sudan Embassy in Washington D.C., to get his perspective on this critical illegal immigration nightmare.

Here's is what Ambassador Obongo had to say: " Illegal immigration is not only a threat to our culture and our way of life, but most importantly our national security in the long run." Yet, for the best iterest of fairness, he went on to say, " We are really and truly indebted to some of the nighboring countries, for they were there for us when no one else was."

I could not agree with him more, and so with Justin Maker Bol, an SPLM outspoken member and a businessman in the state of Ohio, USA. He said, " Although immigrants are essential to fill in the gap in the market place, illegal immigration is certainly not the answer." " Aliens who break the law by crossing the border without proper documentation, or overstaying their visas should be deported," he added.

Hence, the goverment of the RSS should put into acount the consequences of having that many undocumented immigratns on our soil, and recongnize the fact that sooner rather than later, we will have a culture take over in the same manner in which the world most richest and most powerful, the United states of America, finds itself in pretty deep trouble in allowing well over twelve million and counting illegal immigrats into it's land. But not only that. The spanish language will soon be the tongue of the day in the USA.

 The truth of the matter is, employing illegal immigrants creats an unfair competetion in the work force. as a result, there are thousands, if not millions of South Sudanese citizens who are jobless, because illegal immigrants are taking them.

You need more?

Studies after studies have shown that illegal immigrants have no loyalty to the host countries, but in most cases, they have no interest in assimilating. Instead, they often try to imopse their own will, culture and language on the citizens of those nations.

Beyond that, it would take some bravery.... not political correctness on the part of the government of the RSS. it should do it utmost to come up with a comprehensive resolution to put an end to what could become a crisis, if not already is.

The author is a former anchorman at Juba Radio, and he can be reached at This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it

Scholars of Genocide Calling on President Barack Obama to Provide Omar al Bashir with a Visa to Travel to the United States and Arrest Him

Petition Calling on President Barack Obama, Secretary State of John Kerry, and Members of Congress, to Provide Sudanese President Omar al Bashir with a Visa to Travel to the United States, and to Arrest Him Upon His Arrival and Deliver Him to the International Criminal Court

September 25, 2013

To: President Barack Obama, Secretary of State John Kerry, and Members of Congress

From: Scholars of Genocide Across the Globe

September 26, 2013 (SSNA) -- We, scholars of genocide across the globe, call on the United States Government to provide Sudanese President Omar al Bashir a visa to fly to the United States and then upon his arrival to immediately arrest him and deliver him to the International Criminal Court (ICC), where he is wanted on charges of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes for atrocities allegedly perpetrated in Darfur, Sudan.

The arrest of al Bashir is the right thing to do, and that is true for at least three major reasons: first, it was the United States Government, out of all the governments in the world, that declared, on September 9, 2004, that Sudan had perpetrated genocide in Darfur; second, under Article I of the United Nations Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, those nations that ratify the UNCG (as the United States did in 1988 during Ronald Reagan’s presidency) “…confirm that genocide, whether committed in time of peace or in time of war, is a crime under international law which they undertake to prevent and to punish”; and third, on September 18, 2013, the International Criminal Court, itself, called on the United States to arrest al Bashir so that he can stand trial at the ICC.

We appreciate that the United States Government believes it faces a series of quandaries in regard to the issue of arresting al Bashir: first, as the host of the United Nations, the U.S. is expected to allow leaders of sovereign nations to land on its territory and then proceed, untouched and hassle free, to the UN; second, the U.S. is not a signatory of the Rome Statute that established the ICC; and third, in the past the U.S. has allowed a host of undesirables touch down on U.S. territory and proceed apace to the UN, including but not limited to: Castro, Gaddafi, Chavez, and Ahmadinejad.

Our respectful responses to the aforementioned concerns are as follows: First, the crimes of genocide and crimes against humanity are so grievous that this unusual situation calls for a precedent, and that is the arrest of al Bashir, even though he is landing on U.S. soil for the express purpose of attending the UN General Assembly. Second, despite the fact that other actors of questionable character who carried out questionable, if not despicable actions, were allowed to visit the UN without incident, by arresting al Bashir and transporting him to the ICC, the United States will be honoring the promise it made when it ratified the UNCG   -- that is, it would be contribute to holding alleged genocidaires responsible for their actions. Granted, a trial has to be held to make the determination whether al Bashir is, in fact, guilty of genocide, but the only way that determination can be made and punishment meted out, if he is in fact found guilty, is for a trial to take place.

Year after year, presidents of our nation take part in the commemoration of the Holocaust, and in doing so, they, invariably, make the promise of “Never Again.” One way of attempting to prevent future genocides is for the world to send an unambiguous and strong message that alleged genocidaires will be arrested and tried for their alleged crimes. Period. That, and only that, is the way to halt the impunity that so many genocidaires count on.

Furthermore, we urge you President Obama to honor the words you spoke just a year and a half ago at the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum during the commemoration of the Holocaust: “With the arrest of fugitives like Ratko Mladic, charged with ethnic cleansing in Bosnia, the world sent a message to war criminals everywhere:  We will not relent in bringing you to justice.  Be on notice.” Likewise, we hope both, you, Secretary of State Kerry, and you, Members of Congress will support the president as he honors that promise cum threat.

If the United States Government allows al Bashir to land on U.S. soil, no matter that his plan is to attend the UN General Assembly, it will be a stain on our national conscious that will never, ever be erased.

In conclusion, we petition you in the hope that the United States will stand up and do the right thing and end the impunity that Omar al Bashir has enjoyed ever since his indictment by the ICC.

Sincerely,

Dr. Samuel Totten
Professor Emeritus
University of Arkansas, Fayetteville
Author of Genocide by Attrition: Nuba Mountains, Sudan (Transaction Publishers, 2013)
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Dr. Mukesh Kapila
Former UN Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator
Geneva, Switzerland
Author of A Tide Against Evil: How One Man Became the Whistleblower to the First Mass Murder of the Twenty-First Century (2013)
 
Dr. Michael Barnett
University Professor of International Affairs and Political Science
Elliot School of International Affairs
George Washington University
Washington, D.C.
Co-Author of Humanitarianism Contested: Where Angels Fear to Tread (Routledge, 2011)
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Professor Eric Reeves
Smith College
Northampton, MA
Author of Compromising with Evil: An Archival History of Greater Sudan (2012)
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Dr. Victoria Sanford
Director
Center for Human Rights & Peace Studies
Professor of Anthropology
Lehman College & the Graduate Center City University of New York
Author of Buried Secrets: Truth and Human Rights in Guatemala (2003)
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Dr. Gerry Caplan
Independent Scholar
Richmond Hill, Ontario, Canada
Author of Rwanda: The Preventable Genocide (Organization of African’s Unity’s International Panel of Eminent Personalities to Investigate the 1994 Genocide in Rwanda, 2000)
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Dr. Israel W. Charny
Founder and Director, Genocide Prevention Network
Jerusalem, Israel
Chief Editor of Encyclopedia of Genocide
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Dr. Dominik J. Schaller
Research Fellow
Karman Centre for Advanced Studies in the Humanities, and University of Bern
Lecturer, Ruprecht-Karls-University Heidelberg
Heidelberg, Germany
Author of Late Ottoman Genocides: The Dissolution of the Ottoman Empire and Young Turkish Population and Extermination Policies (Routledge, 2010)
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Dr. Eric D. Weitz
Dean of Humanities and Arts and Professor of History
The City College of New York
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Professor Taner Akçam
Center for Holocaust and Genocide Studies, History Department at Clark University
Worcester, MA
Author of  Young Turks's Crimes Against Humanity, The Armenian Genocide and Ethnic Cleansing in the Ottoman Empire
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Dr. Ervin Staub
Professor Emeritus of Psychology and Founding Director,
Ph.D. program in the Psychology of Peace and Violence
University of Massachusetts at Amherst
Author of The Roots of Evil: The Origins of Genocide and Other Group Violence (Cambridge University Press, 1989) and Overcoming Evil: Genocide, Violent Conflict and Terrorism (Oxford University Press, 2011)
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Dr. Colin Tatz
School of Politics and International Relations
Australian National University
Canberra, ACT, Australia
Author of With Intent to Destroy: Reflecting on Genocide (Verso, 2003)
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Dr. Maureen S. Hiebert
Assistant Professor of Political Science
Senior Fellow, Centre for Military and Strategic Studies
University of Calgary, Alberta, Canada
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Rebecca Tinsley
Founder, Waging Peace
London, England
Author of When the Starts Fall to Earth (Crockett, TX, Landmarc Press, 2011)
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Dr. Robert K. Hitchcock
Department of Anthropology
University of New Mexico, Albuquerque
Co-editor of Genocide of Indigenous Peoples (Transaction Publishers, 2011)
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Dr. Henry Theriault
Professor and Chair of Philosophy
Worcester State College
Worcester, MA
Author of "Denial of Ongoing Atrocities as a Rationale for Not Attempting to Prevent or Intervene” (Transaction Publishers, 2012) 
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Professor Philip Spencer
Director of the Helen Bamber Centre for the Study of Rights, Conflict and Mass Violence
Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences
Kingston University
Surrey, England
Author of Genocide since 1945 (Routledge, 2012)
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Dr. Adam Jones
Professor of Political Science
University of British Columbia
Kelowna, British Columbia
Author of The Scourge of Genocide: Essays and Reflections (Routledge, 2013)
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Dr. Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe
Universidade de Fortaleza, Brazil
Readings from Reading: Essays on African Politics, Genocide, and Literature (African Renaissance, 2011)
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Dr. Roger W. Smith
Professor Emeritus of Government
College of William and Mary
Williamsburg, Virginia
Author of "Scarcity and Genocide" (in On the Edge of Scarcity: Environment, Resources, Population, Sustainability, and Conflict (Syracuse University Press, 2002)
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Dr. Elisa von Joeden-Forgey
Visiting Scholar
Department of History
University of Pennsylvania
Philadelphia, PA 19104
Author of “The Devil in the Details: ‘Life Force Atrocities’ and the Assault on the Family in Times of Conflict” (2010)
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Dr. Paul Slovic
Professor of Psychology
University of Oregon, Eugene
Author of “Psychic Numbing and Mass Atrocity” (in The Behavioral Foundations of Public Policy, Princeton University Press, 2013)
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Dr. Deborah Mayersen
University of Wollongong
New South Wales
Australia
Author of On the Path to Genocide: Armenia and Rwanda Re-examined (Berghahn Books, 2014)
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Dr. Herb Hirsch
Professor of Political Science and Co-editor of Genocide Studies International
L. Douglas Wilder School of Government and Public Affairs
Virginia Commonwealth University
Richmond, VA
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Dr. Robert Skloot
Professor Emeritus
Department of Drama
University of Wisconsin, Madison
Author of If The Whole Body Dies: Raphael Lemkin and the Treat Against Genocide (Parallel Press, 2006)
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Uriel Levy
Director
Combat Genocide Association
Tel Aviv, Israel
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Dr. John K. Roth
Edward J. Sexton Professor Emeritus of Philosophy
Claremont McKenna College,
Claremont, California
Editor of Rape: Weapon of War and Genocide (Paragon House, 2012)
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Dr. Rick Halperin
Professor and Director
Embrey Human Rights Center
Southern Methodist University
Dallas, Texas
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Dr. Ernesto Verdeja
Assistant Professor of Political Science and Peace Studies
University of Notre Dame
South Bend, Indiana
Author of Unchopping a Tree: Reconciliation in the Aftermath of Political Violence (2009)
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Michael Minch, Ph.D.
Director, Peace and Justice Studies
Professor of Philosophy
Philosophy and Humanities Department
Utah Valley University
Orem, Utah
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Dr. Linda M. Woolf
Professor, Psychology and International Human Rights
Fellow
Webster University
St. Louis, Missouri
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Dr. Rouben Adalian
Director
Armenian National Institute
Washington, D.C.
Author of Guide to the Armenian Genocide in the U.S. Archives, 1915-1918 (Chadwyck-Healey, Inc., 1994)
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Dr. Alan L. Berger
Professor
Raddock Family Eminent Scholar Chair of Holocaust Studies
Florida Atlantic University
Boca Raton, FL
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Dr. Kjell Anderson
Senior Researcher,
The Hague Institute for Global Justice
The Hague, The Netherlands
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Dr. Alex Alvarez 
Professor of Criminology & Criminal Justice
Northern Arizona University
Flagstaff, Arizona
Author of Governments, Citizens, and Genocide (Indiana University Press, 2001), and Genocidal Crimes (Taylor and Francis, 2009)
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Dr. Victor Peskin
Associate Professor
School of Politics and Global Studies
Arizona State University
Author of International Justice in Rwanda and the Balkans: Virtual Trials and the Struggle for State Cooperation
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Dr. Jamie L. Wraight
Curator and Historian
The Voice/Vision Holocaust Survivor Oral History Archive
The University of Michigan-Dearborn
Dearborn, MI
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Dr Dennis R Papazian
Prof Emeritus 
Univ of Michigan Dearborn 
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Dr. John H. Weiss
Associate Professor of History
Cornell University (and Darfur Action Group-Cornell)
Ithaca, New York
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Dr. Alejandro Baer
Associate Professor of Sociology
Director and Stephen C. Feinstein Chair
Center for Holocaust and Genocide Studies
University of Minnesota
Minneapolis, MN
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Dr. Gagik Aroutiunian
Associate Professor,
Department of Art, Media & Design,
DePaul University, Chicago IL
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“Darfur Is Getting Worse,” from The New Republic

Why aren't the U.N. and U.S. pressuring Khartoum to reverse this horrific trend? http://www.tnr.com/article/politics/89428/darfur-getting-worse-sudan-united-nations-obama

By Eric Reeves

June 4, 2011 (SSNA) -- Darfur has become all but invisible. With fewer and fewer human rights reports, news dispatches, or even candid accounts from U.N. leaders, events in the region have dropped almost fully out of international view. Facilitating this slip is the fact that global attention has recently shifted away from Darfur to other areas of Sudan: to negotiations with Khartoum, to the south’s independence referendum in January, and, more recently, to the mounting crisis in Abyei, the contested border area between the north and the south.

So have things improved in Darfur? On the contrary, the catastrophe there is deepening dramatically as we head into this season’s "hunger gap," the dangerous, rainy period between the harvests of this past fall and winter and the next harvests, which begin in October. Water-borne diseases become much more common, and this year looks especially threatening, as hygiene, latrine maintenance, clean water, and primary medical care have all been attenuated by increasing restrictions on travel imposed by the Khartoum regime. Hundreds of thousands of lives are at acute risk.

Khartoum has long made clear that it wanted to "domesticate" the peace process, and, for this reason, has merely been going through the motions during stalled peace talks in Doha. It has also made clear for many years that its fundamental ambition (and now "peace" strategy) is to return displaced persons to their former villages and lands, typically destroyed or occupied by Arab militia forces. (Estimates show that the crisis in Darfur has displaced over 2 million people, and, according to the U.N., there are about100 camps for the displaced in Sudan, though the number is likely higher.) This "New Strategy for Darfur," approved by the regime in September 2010, was supported by then-U.S. envoy Gration and African Union envoy Thabo Mbeki, former president of South Africa. It was a signal from the world to President Omar Al Bashir’s regime that it could more or less have its way in Darfur---and the results have been horrific.

The regime's latest military ambitions for Darfur were also announced last year, under the code name "Misk AlKhitam," or "The Perfect Ending." This ominous campaign has included massive bombardments and other aerial attacks on civilians. It falls very much in a pattern of violence that extends back over twelve years and includes more than 1,400 confirmed attacks by Khartoum on civilian and humanitarian targets throughout Sudan, both north and south. There have been scores of aerial attacks this year alone.

Reports from Radio Dabanga---based in the Netherlands and guided by the Institute for War and Peace Reporting, it is the only reliable news source for most locations in Darfur---continue to bring accounts of rape, severe deprivation in camps for internally displaced persons(IDPs), and assaults reminiscent of the worst years of the genocide, particularly in attacks by the janjaweed and other Khartoum-allied militia forces:

An armed group on four Land Cruiser cars, five horses and thirty camels burnt 20 huts in the village of Sangira, 25 kilometers east of Kutum at 4:00 p.m. on Sunday [May 1, 2011]. One of the residents of the village told Radio Dabanga that the gunmen first took all the stored food which belongs to the citizens of the village at gunpoint and after that set fire to 20 huts.

Bombing attacks on civilian targets also continue to produce large numbers of casualties. On May 16, Radio Dabanga reported:

Thirteen (13) citizens were killed and 10 people wounded in two consecutive airstrikes in South Darfur. An Antonov plane belonging to the Sudanese Army dropped bombs on the area of Asharaya in Yassin district of Darfur this Sunday morning leading to the death of 12. The second incident happened in the area of Libdo [Labado], leading to the death of one.

Meanwhile, vast numbers of civilians continue to be displaced by violence from the ground and air: Aggregated estimates by U.N. and nongovernmental organizations suggest that, since January1, 2008, some 900,000civilians have been newly displaced by violence. Radio Dabanga reported on May 17:

Close to one hundred families fled from the area west of Shangil Tobaya and East Jebel Marra to the valleys and mountains, seeking refuge after local militias backed by government forces raided their villages. A witness told Radio Dabanga that the forces centered in Shangil Tobaya moved with more than 20 cars backed by local militias on camel and horse backs and burnt down the villages of Abu Mara, Jurab Elray, Asilowa, Karko and Linda on Sunday.

Khartoum has immediately and predictably denied access to both investigators and humanitarians trying to reach the civilian populations in areas that have been bombed. Indeed, even as humanitarian conditions deteriorate, more and more aid personnel are being expelled, while others are leaving for security reasons. Consider one incident that took place in West Darfur on January7, 2011: "An unidentified armed group on Wednesday night opened heavy fire on the headquarters of a distribution point of the World Food Programme (WFP)in Darfur [near Zalingei]," Radio Dabanga reported. These sorts of things generally don't happen without the acquiescence of Khartoum's Military Intelligence in Darfur.

Although the U.N. long ago gave up its efforts to track global mortality in Darfur, the deadly consequences of diminished humanitarian access, security, and capacity are reflected in countless dispatches such as this one, also from Radio Dabanga:

Officials responsible for children's care in Zamzam A and Zamzam B [camps in North Darfur] informed UNICEF on Monday [May 2] that the rate of death among children reached thirteen deaths per week in the past two weeks due to the spread of cases of measles and diarrhea among the newly displaced children.

While Radio Dabanga regularly chronicles attacks in Darfur, the U.N.-African Union hybrid mission there (UNAMID) does so only rarely. Indeed, while the presence of UNAMID, with some 25,000 peacekeeping personnel, has led many to believe that there has been an adequate security response to the crisis in Darfur, this is untrue. UNAMID has done little to protect either civilians or humanitarians; the mission can barely protect its own members, and it endures continual denials of access by Khartoum's security services, despite a Status of Forces Agreement guaranteeing freedom of movement.

UNAMID is poorly manned and equipped, and it is burdened by both dismal morale and the incompetent leadership of Ibrahim Gambari. Gambari does not speak forcefully or consistently enough about Khartoum's attacks on civilians, despite the demand of U.N. Security Council Resolution1591 (in effect since March 2005), which bans all offensive military over flights in Darfur. Instead, he downplays Khartoum's denial of access to the UNAMID force he heads. Then, there is the chief of U.N. humanitarian operations in Sudan, Georg Charpentier, who won't speak candidly about conditions in Darfur, including those affecting aid workers: data and reports on malnutrition, IDPs, and humanitarian access in the region.

What has been the effect of this leadership? A Tufts University study called "Navigating Without a Compass: The Erosion of Humanitarianism in Darfur," published in January 2011, noted that "[c]rucial information about the humanitarian situation is lacking. There are serious issues with the proper validation of the nutrition survey reports and their immediate release---without such data neither the government nor the international community can properly understand the severity of the humanitarian situation or the efficacy of the response." Meanwhile, a comprehensive study by the Institute for War and Peace Reporting found in a report issued the same month:

Amid growing levels of malnutrition, illness and instability in Darfur displacement camps, United Nations aid and peacekeeping agencies are being accused of capitulating to pressure and interference from the Sudanese government and failing in their duty to protect civilians. Human rights and civil society activists are joining the region's internally displaced people, IDPs, and Sudanese opposition politicians in calling on UN agencies not to duck their responsibilities in order to keep Khartoum on side.

The head of UNICEF in Darfur, NilsKastberg, has spoken bluntly to Radio Dabanga to say much the same thing:

[T]he Sudanese government "very often" bars the release of data on child malnutrition in Darfur. Sudanese security services have also hindered or delayed UNICEF’s access to camps in Darfur, [Kastberg said]: "Part of the problem has been when we conduct surveys to help us address issues, in collaboration with the ministry of health, very often other parts of the government such as the humanitarians affairs commission interferes and delays in the release of reports, making it difficult for us to respond timely."

But it is not simply the problems with UNAMID and Georg Charpentier that have done harm in Darfur. The United States has played a role, too. Last August, senior Obama administration officials reportedly agreed to "de-emphasize" Darfur in favor of the southern referendum. Still later, as negotiations with Khartoum’s génocidaires reached a critical phase, the administration decided to "decouple" Darfur from discussions of the most potent incentive on the table: the removal of Khartoum from the State Department's list of terrorism-sponsoring nations. Negotiating over issues of terrorism seems ill-conceived as a general matter, but, in Sudan, it seems particularly inappropriate, since there is strong evidence that President Omar Al Bashir’s regime continues to support Hamas, mainly by serving as a conduit for Iranian arms moving through Sudan to Gaza.

All the while, Radio Dabanga has continued to provide a daily chronicle of what’s happening in Darfur, with details that are soul-destroying: "Asheikh from the [Otash] camp revealed that ten children die daily in three centers out of eleven centers in the camp infected by the diarrhea." (May23); "Four children in refugee camps around Mershing in South Darfur passed away due to a shortage of food and malnutrition, according to the statements by official figures in the camp. They have not received any relief for seven months which led to an increase in the cases of malnutrition because our hunger." (May 3); "A sheikh from [Kalma] camp said that the suffering in the camp is increasing and that death in the camp has become something common. The sheikh also pointed out that the overall rate of weekly deaths exceeds 50 children." (May 2).

The reports are endless. So too, evidently, is the capacity of the international community to pretend that none of this is happening, or to ignore it, or to not care enough to act. Assisted by a group of diplomats who can't seem to deal with more than one crisis in Sudan at a time, Darfur's ongoing catastrophe is poised to result in even greater human destruction and suffering. The world has all the evidence needed to know that this is so, but it lacks the resolve to bring to bear on Khartoum the pressure that will change the regime's brutal ways.

The Obama administration should make clear that, unless Khartoum grants unfettered humanitarian access and freedom of movement for the U.N. peacekeeping mission, the regime will see no lifting of sanctions, no further discussion of removal from the list of terrorist-sponsoring nations, no further normalizing of relations, and robust U.S. opposition to debt relief for Khartoum at the World Bank and IMF. The U.S. should also exert as much influence as possible with China, which has its attention focused on its oilfields in South Sudan.

In 2008, then-candidate Obama said, "The government of Sudan has pursued a policy of genocide in Darfur. Hundreds of thousands of men, women, and children have been killed in Darfur, and the killing continues to this very day." The same stands true today, but does Obama still believe these words, and, more importantly, will he push Khartoum to change? The question has yet to be answered.

Eric Reeves is a professor at Smith College and author of A Long Day’s Dying: Critical Moments in the Darfur Genocide (2007).

Do Not Cede Our Land to Khartoum: Aweil Community in Diaspora

Tuesday, 9 October 2012
Ref: Do Not Cede Our Land to Khartoum
Petition Letter to H.E. 1st Lt. General Salva Kiir Mayardit
President of the Republic of South Sudan
 
CC: South Sudan National Legislative Assembly
CC: Africa Union High Level Implementation Panel
CC: United Nations Security Council
CC: SPLM Party
CC: NBGS
CC: South Sudan Negotiating Team

Dear Mr. President:

October 12, 2012 (SSNA) -- Aweil Community, both at home and in the Diaspora, has received the 27 September Security Agreement on the 14- mile area with an indisputable displeasure and outrage. To our surprise, we have found out that the land that has never been a disputed area has now been made a disputed one. We are afraid—with your administration approving the 2011 AUHIP Proposed Map on such Security Arrangements—Khartoum is now in a celebratory mode, for it knows very well that it will soon lay unqualified claim to this piece of land and the negotiating team under your leadership will find it an uphill task to deviate from the agreement you witnessed should the final border be drawn.

It is always a common norm that those who will be potentially affected by any policy and decision should be involved and engaged by government officials in discussions, negotiations, and decision-making processes. Irrefutably, Aweil Community has knowledgeable and well-informed elders and veteran politicians who should have been involved and consulted to provide a valuable information and citizenry wisdom with regards to the 14 mile area. Yet, your leadership continues to ignore this vital avenue.

We are also deeply concerned that any agreement that deprives us of our well-established ancestral and traditional connection to this land directly threatens the main pillars of peace and stability between Aweil Community and the Baggara Community. We are profoundly alarmed by the agreement that has made a land that has never been a disputed land a contentious land. Mr. President, this situation has prompted us to communicate our well-founded concerns and viewpoints to your administration with hope that they will be given a deserved consideration.

Mr. President, having been in this land for decades (if not centuries), Aweil Community cannot and will never accept this deal because we know better that this piece of land under the heated discussion has never been and will never be a part of Sudan or Darfur, for that matter. This is because the entire NBGS is inseparable from the designated 14 mile area. Historically and customarily, Aweil and the Baggara Communities know that arrangements have been made long time ago in the 19th Century between the Dinka Malual and the Baggara nomads to allow the 2

latter passage for the Kiir River waters and pastures. It did not mean then and it does not mean now that the land is disputed nor claimed by the Baggara people.

In the past, Aweil Community had only given access to the Baggara Community to bring their animals to the Kiir River waters and pastures for their survival. Gov. Malong and Aweil Community elders in their own efforts have had some traditional discussions and talks on how the Baggara Community would be allowed to bring their animals to the Kiir River. This hospitality has never been intended to make this particular area a disputed land. Rather, Aweil Community’s hospitality has been intended to make the Baggara Community survive during the dry seasons. Aweil Community has never asked the Baggara Community to pay her for grazing privileges. Dr. Dhieu Mathok Diing Wol wrote a great article “The African Union Map and 14 Miles South River Kiir” on 23 August 2012, detailing who the true owners of the area are: NBGS.

In all these discussions, our outrage should be understandable. Our grievances are many, but this petition will exclusively focus on the 14 mile issue. While we are not here to condemn you or your administration, we have decided to bring our long-ignored outcry against the 14 mile agreement to your attention. Quite frankly, Aweil Community feels an appalling history of neglect and marginalization under your administration.

Aweil People military contributions in the course of the painful liberation struggle and unwavering political support for your leadership which had finally contributed to the attainment of South Sudan Independence has never been given a due attention. This implies that Aweil Community political support and military contribution has been taken for granted. To be clear on the 14 mile issue, the Addis Ababa negotiations on the borders began on a wrong footing because Aweil Community’s legitimate viewpoints and concerns were not considered by the negotiators. Now, it is very clear that the 14 mile agreement will have direct negative impacts on Aweil Community survival if implemented.

For this reason, Aweil Diaspora Community has decided to write this message to strongly confirm our unyielding and firm support for Gov. Malong and Aweil politicians’ rejection of the 14 mile agreement by outlining the following grievances and concerns. We honestly hope that your administration will seriously take our legitimate concerns into consideration:

(1) While the discussions about the Safe Border Demilitarized Zone (SBDZ) were on-going in Addis Ababa, no one consulted the residents of the area in question yet it was reported that Sudan Government consulted Misseriya people on issue of this magnitude. Tell us, how would you feel when people discuss your affairs without involving you in the decision making process? No matter how knowledgeable Mr. Pagan Amum and the team of South Sudan negotiators were, excluding the voice of the concerned people is unjustified;

(2) Aweil People also read an alarming tendency into this decision: from the time of negotiating the CPA to the post-secession issues, Aweil Community has been sidelined in the truest sense of the word in any meaningful discussions, yet we are among the border states and all these decisions immensely affect us;

(3) Loyalty is a two-way street, remember. We have been loyal to the leadership of the SPLA/A due to the just cause of our liberation from day one; we will continue to be. Nonetheless, despite having paid so much (in blood and treasure) for the liberation of South Sudan, Aweil Community is now being asked to give up her territorial integrity to seal agreements off with Khartoum. Such is a double jeopardy or sellout of Aweil land for unknown that we cannot afford, buy into or entertain any longer. In other words, we have not fled away from this 14 mile area during the war and should not desert it now under the term of the agreement you signed. We would rather join wherever our land goes;

(4) Since Aweil Community rejected the 14 mile agreement, your administration has never publicly come out to tell the entire Aweil Community how this issue should be handled. Although Gov. Malong and other state high-profile politicians have openly come out in the condemnation of the Aweil Community’s exclusion in the negotiations, the presidency has not responded. Yet, particular individuals under your leadership continue to denote the 14 mile area as an international border; this has not only angered the greater Aweil Community but it also reflects the bullying the stakeholders in your government harbored against NBGS. Thus, your defeaning silence makes us feel that River Kiir was intentionally made a disputed area by your administration;

(5) Mr. President, Aweil Community knows very well that you are 100% aware that the part of the Kiir River that is currently targeted by the recent agreements in Addis Ababa has never been and will never be a disputed land. Aweil Community has been tremendously alarmed and shocked by the statements that some of your administration officials have recently said regarding this land. First, the Minister of Water Resources and Irrigation, Paul Mayom Akech, has publicly stated that Kiir River is a “no-man’s land.” Second, the Minister of Parliamentary Affairs, Michael Makuei Lueth, has openly stated that Kiir River is an “international border.” Third, the Minister of Information, Dr. Marial Benjamin, has also publicly mentioned that a “select committee” will be formed to educate citizens who are criticizing the Addis Ababa agreements. In spite of all these condescending comments from your officials, the presidency is shockingly tight-lipped about it all. These kinds of comments from high-ranking politicians, your silence over Aweil Community outcry against the Kiir River relinquishment and the exclusion in the negotiations imply that the 14 mile area was intentionally planned to be a demilitarized border zone (DMZ); and finally,

(6) Aweil Community was astonished to hear that part of her land was included in the negotiations of the contentious areas between South Sudan and Sudan. Mr. President, to the best of our knowledge, when the CPA terms were negotiated in Naivasha, Kenya, the 14 mile land was not included as a disputed area. The only contentious areas that were discussed by Dr. John Garang and Mr. Taha were Abyei, Blue Nile, and Nuba Mountain. Now, what made the Kiir River a disputed land under your administration?

We are aware that the package of agreements, including this issue, was passed by the Council of Ministers and that it awaits parliamentary approval on Wednesday. Mindful of the situation at the moment, Mr. President, you can avert this crisis by not requiring the parliament to rectify it but instead returning to the negotiations with Khartoum and have this issue taken off the table. And when you do go back to Addis Abba to the drawing board, we demand that you make sure 4 that at least a son or daughter of Mading Aweil is included in the negations. After all, the AU or UNSC knows perfectly well that 14-mile area was never part of the outstanding issues left off during the CPA signing. You can talk them out of it, and in the process, still come off triumphant.

However, if it so happens that our concerns and peaceful protests are ignored such that this agreement is shoved down through our throat, then the following scenarios cannot be ruled:

(1) That our unquestionable support to the party will waver upon ratification of the agreement by the national assembly;

(2) Aweil citizens, as a protest, may consider blocking the Baggara from accessing Kiir River this season;

(3) Many Aweil citizens who fought the war were prompted to join the SPLA/M because of the Baggara encroachment on their land. If the SPLM is not a party that protects our land, we will reconsider our participation upon the withdrawal of our military from Mile 14; and lastly,

(4) We will not be in a position to blame any of our citizens who maybe in readiness to interfere if all our demands go unheeded.

In sum, Mr. President, Aweil Community supports all other 8 post-secession agreements from oil production resumption to trade normalization to Abyei Referendum. The only area where we are not supporting you and are requesting for immediate reversal is the 14 mile area. Our border with Sudan lies 36 miles North of Kiir River. Even heaven knows that 14 mile area belongs to us and any attempt to talk us out of it will fail. Because we have it within power to control our destiny, not Khartoum, we thus hope that you will do the right thing.

Sincerely Yours,

Singed by:

Mr. Lino Machir Akok,
Chairman of Federation of Aweil Communities in Canada (F.A.C.C.)
Winnipeg, MB, Canada
Mr.Santino Atak Chimir Deng,
Chairman of Aweil Community in United States of America (ACAUSA)
Dallas, Taxes, USA
Mr. Martin Garang Aher,
Chairman of Mading Aweil Community in Australia (MAC)
Perth, Western Australia
Mr. Anyuon Deng Kuol, Secretary General
Helsinki, Finland, Europe

On Behalf of Aweil Community in Diaspora

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