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Do we still need Kiir’s leadership?

By: Justin Ambago Ramba

June 29, 2013 (SSNA) -- No way can South Sudan continue to have Salva Kiir as its president, and still hope to catch up with the rest of the developed world. This is a politician who already has enough problems within his SPLM party. And if anything, he is only working hard to weaken the very party that saw him to power, by relentlessly emptying it of any democratic values, if any ever actually existed?  Once he succeeds in privatizing his political party, then he will of course turn to the country and that’s where we all as South Sudanese must be concerned and vigilant.

The President should never dream of another term in office, not even a single extra day once his present tenure runs out. The past eight years are more than enough for anyone with a bit of gray matter in the brain to pass such a simple and straight forward judgment,  since it isn’t a rocket science to see where the “herd mentality”,  is leading this country. There is no talk here about the type of legacy the president wants to leave behind him, for this article is here to say it all.

No one can deny the attempts by SPLM Bahr al Ghazel to manipulate the public opinion and possibly misled the voters in South Sudan, when it declared its support for Kiir’s candidacy for the 2015 presidential elections. However based on common sense and taking into consideration the latest events of December 2012 in Wau city, and its suburbs leading to loss of lives, you can see why the regional conference's resolution could have been more of an expression of wishes, than readily becoming an early campaigning exercise.

Still on the recent political developments, one particular game changer is undoubtedly the controversial dismissal of the two top ministers and the media exchanges that followed (more on this in a separate article); one cannot see why President Salva Kiir won’t be rejected by electorates from a well-known section of the Bahr Ghazel voters. He too risks falling off with an overwhelming majority of Equatorians where his popularity has now hit its all-time low. Talk of the Greater Upper Nile, a secured political backyard and an ethnic  stronghold for Kiir’s arch rivals, Dr. Riek Machar, Cde Pa’gan Amum Akech and Madame Rebecca Nyandeng de Mabior and you know that “The Man in the Hat”  stand no chance in these parts.

While everybody is concerned about the ailing condition of our new country, it is absolutely necessary to unearth all the dirty tricks that President Kiir and his top SPLM leadership are bent to use in order to remain in power.  The declared power greed, tribalism, nepotism and herd mentality are undoubtedly asphyxiating Africa’s new born.

The SPLM has not yet run out of ideas; nonetheless it has definitely run out of good ideas. Whatever the apologists say, the beautiful baby needs to be rescued from Kiir’s fatal grips. For with his hands all over the place, blocking any chances of term limits, even when he has already run out of ideas, he can surely smother this nascent country, should all of us suddenly cease to be vigilant. As blank as he is, let me warn you that, in his current state, he is just the ideal candidate to metamorphose into yet another lethal,  totalitarian,  undemocratic and most ruthless tyrant ever, should he be given the opportunity.

Furthermore there is really nothing so especially good about President Kiir’s leadership to warrant the contemplation of yet some weird ideas that involves a secret deal to amend the current transitional constitution solely to extend the current transitional period and satisfy President Kiir’s ego and greed for power.

While we hope for a peaceful and secure South Sudan, we call upon all citizens to take their national duty to rid the country of Salva Kiir and his imminent totalitarianism very seriously. Fixing our nation’s future through a new     popular choice come 2015, must be   everyone’s highest patriotism. For the minimum we as a nation stand to gain by successfully carrying out  this exercise is to initiate and institute the new culture of peaceful transfer of power within our political parties and equally so at the nation’s  highest level, the country’s  presidency.

You have heard in the past it is said that,” practice makes perfect”.  But let me tell you this, practice in fact makes permanent. Whether what you practice a good or a bad thing, practice won’t change its nature, but only makes it permanent. If what you practice is a good thing, you are likely to become permanently a good person. But if what you practice is a bad thing, there is no way that you can become a perfect individual. All that practice does is to make your habits permanent.   Good or bad, practice only makes them permanent. 

There are dozens of examples where longer terms in the presidency had gone bad for those countries. The current talk amongst Africa’s elites is that, African leader's tenure in office must be limited to two terms regardless of their popularity or the success of that regime. History has shown that the longer a ruler stays in office, the more there is a tendency for him to become corrupt and develop dictatorial tendencies as he begins to see the throne as his personal property and makes every effort at consolidating  his power and position.

What we are seeing in Africa today is a lack of vision. No one is born with presidential qualities; they are almost all acquired skills. Besides a president does not operate in isolation, he works in partnership with others. It means therefore that anyone can do the job. If Presidents Salva Kiir and his next door neughbours – Museveni of Uganda and al Bashir of Sudan, want to go down in history as great leaders, they should bow out now and let others take over. Lessons should be learned from great retired leaders like Nelson Mandela, Jerry Rawlings (Ghana) and Sir Ketumile Masire of Botswana.

Without sounding too personal and disrespectful, President Kiir is not just a disgrace to South Sudan or his own people in Warrap State who are trapped in a viscous circle of hunger and disease and continue to die from them, but he is indeed a big disgrace to humankind. Apart from indulging in his usual foolish rhetoric, what has he done to satisfy even the most basic needs of his people – not to say those in his immediate backyard?

If you are visiting my own country (South Sudan) now, it is only the foreign NGOs and a few of the international institutions such as the World Bank (yes, the World Bank) could be seen attempting to help our people through various (although understandably unsuccessful) initiatives. Our own "leadership" is busy enjoying the trappings of power and blaming his colleagues, or Khartoum.  The West which in all practicality remains to be the only one source of survival since the country squeezed itself into a self-imposed, some kind of austerity measures by choice.

It is also my firm belief that the amending of the constitution by some power-hungry leaders so as to prolong their undeserving stay in office is a troubling trend that should be condemned and curtailed. If such crookedness is left unchallenged, there is no doubt these leaders will plunge their countries back to the era of dictatorship. It's therefore critical that the international community at large puts its ubiquitous influence of these leaders so that they leave office gracefully. Africa has enough dictators without the "new African democrats" putting their names to the list.

Someone out there may for argument sake say that the determining factor in this kind of matters is better left for the level of contribution an individual African president has towards the development of his country.  If the president has made a tremendous impact on the lives of his people, they will want him to stay in office for as long as he is good to them. The downside to this argument is that, left unchecked these heads of states soon turn dictators. Again there are very few African presidents out there, obviously Salva Kiir excluded, who apparently can rightly   claim, that their long stay in office has actually impacted positively on the people. Statistics however show that it is in fact the opposite.

Once in a while, we may also want to look at a president who finds it difficult to part office from the African perspective where phased out a leader is likely to face “survival dilemma”. Traditionally, the power structures of many African communities was/is a "chief" or "tribal" model where the ruler holds power until he/she dies and then passes it on to his sons.

Perhaps this is, in a small way, why African leaders cling to power. And we should not judge African democracy by the same standards as European democracy, not because it is inferior, but simply because it is different, another apologist will add. But then in a setting like South Sudan, how many paramount chiefs do we have and is this the contract that our citizens from the 100+ ethnicities have entered into within themselves on one hand and the government on the other?

At this juncture one would like to assume that the same members of the international community who have all through helped South Sudan throughout the last three decades will continue to lend in help for us to finally embrace democracy and the rule of law. By this it can go as far as to put and sustain maximum pressure on President Salva Kiir, to hold to the principle of democratic transformation, and make sure that the new country’s first ever elections are indeed a multiparty exercise of the highest standard and must be help on time, no later than January, 9th 2015, for this date in President Kiir’s own words, “is always sacrosanct   in South Sudan’s politics”.

Dr. Justin Ambago Ramba is the Secretary General of the United South Sudan Party (USSP). He can be reached at: This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it

Abyei’s Future Status in South Sudan

By Deng Vanang

June 28, 2013 (SSNA) -- This article is in reply to the question posed by one of those who read my June 15th, 2013 opinion piece titled: On Abyei enough is enough. I wished to address the reader’s concern much earlier but my little bit busy schedule at the time I read his/her responsive concern couldn’t allow me to do so. Now that I have got some ample time I would like to answer his/her shilling concern no matter how unsatisfactory to him/her it shall sound. In the process of answering I beg the questioner to bear with me as I take him/her through somehow delicate historical trajectory that snakes around the story. The reader though appreciated me for the elaborate way I tackled the subject matter, s/he remained in the dark on what Abyei will be, a state or a county like Pibor, if it joins Republic of South Sudan by which ever means. S/he told me I fell short of telling him/her and the rest of what status Abyei shall be if it is incorporated into South Sudan. For him/her s/ he loathed Abyei becoming a state of its own. Should that happen, s/he said his/her home county of Pibor should as well be made a state. This fear is not found in this particular reader alone, several brothers and sisters in different parts of our beloved country share the same with him/her. The skepticism is traced to the distribution of power and resources that accompanies the creation of geo-political units not only in South Sudan but the world over as well.

In South Sudan different from other countries, sadly the process of creating such units is shrouded in serious flaws. Instead of bringing services closer to the people, the process is adversely used to reward the few while denying more deserving multitude. This is the case when all states and counties irrespective of land mass and population sizes are treated equally and not equitably in sharing out both national and states’ annual budgets among them. That is the main concern bothering our brother/sister in particular and the rest in general.

However, this narrative cannot proceed without the privilege of sharing with you the fact that I actually wrote this article in the dead of the night of Tuesday 25th June 2013 at Africa Regional Conference on an Inter-party dialogue and democratic consolidation in Naivasha Simba Lodge where the late hero Dr.John Garang heatedly negotiated Comprehensive Peace Agreement with Ali Osman Taha. And in a spacious suit not far away from the one that housed John Garang throughout the entire negotiations period, now turned into a mini-museum of sorts. This flash back, has undoubtedly given me the accurate view of the details behind Abyei’s protocol, being the subject currently under discussion.


To answer the concerned questioner and the rest of his/her colleagues in the interactive world of social media, during the negotiation of Comprehensive Peace Agreement in Naivasha eight years ago, the area became as it is still today the focus of dispute between the north and the south. Each side claims it as its own. To defuse the tension that almost brought the negotiations to a standstill; the mediators suggested the area should be administered right in the centre, the presidency until its fate is decided through peaceful referendum by native nine Ngok Dinka fiefdoms.  The Presidency at the time was joint one under President Omar Hassan Albashir and First Vice President Salva Kiir Mayardit when our late hero Dr. John Garang unfortunately and suddenly passed on. Abyei Currently continues to enjoy the same special status but under separate presidencies of both Sudan and South Sudan until it goes in one way or another. That is to be an integral part of South Kordofan State if it goes north or Warap State if it turns out to become part of the new Republic of South Sudan.

Therefore, it is not the largeness of land mass and neither the population size as some people may think that makes Abyei a special case with distinct geo-political status. It is rather the conflict over its ownership as each rival side claims the disputed territory for itself being the reason behind such a status. For Abyei occupies an area of 4,000 square kilometers with an estimated population of far less than three hundred thousand souls. All the two features fit Abyei in the category of a county, especially in demographic term of population.

Provisional vacuum

However, what cannot be ruled out is the likely hood of it being declared a state if it joins South Sudan as some people in the area band around such an idea.  They can even be at liberty to exploit the absence of legal provision that could determine what geographical area and population size the state supposes to have.

The exploitation of this provisional vacuum exactly came to light during 2008 SPLM’s Second National Convention when Abyei was awarded roughly over thirty delegates several times above the number of each county’s delegates and slightly below that of state’s delegates. That alludes to the fear currently gripping those who suspect Abyei shall be rammed down the throat of South Sudanese as the 11th State of South Sudan despite its tiny geographical area and population size. With callous aim of getting robust resources it doesn’t deserve from the national pool.

But that should not be the issue people could get bogged down on with unnecessary waste of valuable time and energy debating about it. It is not a necessity at the moment whether it shall be a county or a state for it is fool hardy to quarrel over who should get what chunk of meat from the game that is still alive and kicking in the wild and yet to be killed. And it would do us more justice to avoid any divisive question about Abyei that aims to get us backward rather than forward as some people might need to pose it as an excuse to make the area look like the preserve of Ngok Dinka with sole responsibility to liberate it. This negative concept is coupled with the blame game as to how Abyei switched side to the north in 1905 in the first place and at times causes some people to say that is none of their business to liberate the land that is now threatening the return of two hostile neighbors to war. Without asking themselves, if people of Abyei like Pieng Deng, Deng Alor and only to mention a few from Abyei participated in liberation of South Sudan in which we are today, why shouldn’t the concerned individuals mind liberating Abyei? Their inverted thinking is not isolated anyway. It is the same thing which causes a relative unease between the ex-allies in original SPLM/A at presence. Divided into two separate entities by South Sudan independence in 2011, the SPLM north faults SPLM South for deliberately using it in pursuit of liberation of South Sudan the former had nothing to do with.

Additionally, skeptics ought to know that any piece of land that lies within the national borders doesn’t give its local inhabitants the prerogative to either annex it to another country or liberate it if invaded by a neighbor. It is the duty of national army to either defend or liberate it if invaded by a hostile neighbor. What may be needed from the natives of the area is the emotional urge that can serve as morale booster for the national armed forces in the course of liberating the area from the invaders. Conversely, resources in any integral part of South Sudan like it is the case in several unitary states globally are well defined within the national revenue bracket except the allocated percentage as may be determined by the country’s national constitution.

Hence, in a nutshell Abyei like any other disputed border areas such as Heglig, Kupranath, etc. with people and immense mineral wealth should be wrested from the control of anybody that claims them as his. Their resources no matter how minute they may be shouldn’t be traded off as small benefits that spoil what are considered to be bigger gains extracted from oil fields currently in operation. 1999 inaugural opening of Bentiu oil fields to the benefit of the rival north and to our advantage should not in any way repeat itself. Not to allow continuing under our nose and watch is the issue of Kapoeta gold presently being mined by foreigners in cohorts with local cartels and neither the same to be allowed to take roots in West and Central Equatoria States where timbers are illegally logged by outsiders next door. This is the responsibility of any leadership with constitutional obligation to dutifully safeguard public interests and not least that of future generation which shouldn’t be mortgaged for the comfort of the present few. Overlooking such matters of posterity is the reference point at which the governing party SPLM scores poorly for it desperately pursues short term interests that are more beneficial to it directly. One of these short term interests is the way it is being high on its toes to cut deal on oil flow with Sudan government that has snatched many parts of our land with people and resources. Desperate to refill bank accounts that have run drier due to oil shut down and subsequent biting austerity, SPLM’s big men are ever busy to ensure Tharjath and Polouch’s oil flows north again while leaving to their fate people and resources trapped in disputed border territories already over run by Sudan.

Deng Vanang is a Journalist and member of SPLM-DC’s National Executive Council. He can be reached at: This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it . NB: The views expressed above are solely mind and not attributed to SPLM-DC as the party.

President Kiir’s pedantic tricks in the SPLM Oyee machine

By Elhag Paul

June 26, 2013 (SSNA) -- President Kiir with his pedantic tricks is at it again.  This time he picks on those in the inner circle of the SPLM Oyee machine.  Do not be carried away by the headline grabbing subject of corruption.  This is just part of the trick.  Keep your eyes wide open during this interesting period of power struggle in the SPLM.

On 18th June 2013 Sudan Tribune under the title, ‘South Sudan president suspends two ministers for corruption probe’  reported that president Kiir had suspended Ahmed Deng Alor, the minister for cabinet affairs and Kosti Manibe, the minister of finance for involvement in transfer of millions of dollars for personal benefit.  In the same order the president further appointed Judge John Gatwech Lul, the head of the anti-corruption commission to investigate the allegation within 60 days with the view of bringing prosecution against the accused.  A good section of the society already appears to approve of the president’s action.  This is what is expected in any normal functioning government.  However, I am afraid that some citizens may already have had their hopes raised for nothing.  The reality could be different. 

President Kiir is using the corruption vehicle to get at people he believes have abandoned supporting his leadership in the ongoing struggle between him, his deputy and Pagan Amum.  So the suspension of the two ministers has more to do with their views in the current battle for leadership of the SPLM Oyee machine than corruption per se.  President Kiir is trying to prepare the ground by weeding out all those who have either publicly withdrawn their allegiance to him or those who have remained silent without expressing their allegiance to him. 

Why is the corruption vehicle a charade?  SPLM Oyee itself is a product of corruption and it will not survive without exercise of corruption.  Corruption runs deep in its veins and it is what keeps it alive.  Please see, ‘Fudging the issue- President Kiir and corruption in RSS.’  We already know that Ahmed Deng Alor is a Don of corruption and there is nothing new about this latest accusation by the president.  The vital thing for the public to note is that nothing will come out of this investigation and here the editorial of South Sudan Nation under the heading, ‘Latest mega-corruption: Is Kiir yet again a toothless bulldog?’ published on 19th June 2013 is spot on.

Judge John Gatwech Lul, is a sworn poodle of John Luke, the minister of Justice and president Kiir.  He is a fixer of the regime.  He runs the launderette of SPLM Oyee.  Having been reduced from the prestigious position of a judge to an SPLM laundry man, his main task is washing of Oyee dirt and issuing clean bill of health to the criminals brought to his attention.  For instance, recently the kith and kin of president Kiir hammered their way into the president’s office safe in J1 in Juba and helped themselves to millions of dollars of South Sudanese money.  Instead of a proper investigation by the relevant organs, the president referred the matter to Judge Lul and as expected he bathed the thieves with legal detergents and cleared them on grounds that the evidence got contaminated.

Unlike Lul, his predecessor Dr Pauline Riek was a lady of integrity who could not allow her character to be tarnished by SPLM Oyee crimes.  While she was leading the Anti-corruption commission she acted professionally and was committed to clean South Sudan of corruption but she was sabotaged and denied the necessary legislation to carry out her duties by none other than president Kiir himself.  This remains a shame on South Sudanese.  Her removal underscores the fact that the problem in South Sudan is not lack of educated people or professionals but rather it is the pugnacity of Dinkocracy. 

Judge Lul in the current case will implement what has already been agreed between president Kiir and the minister of Justice John Luke which is that no SPLM Oyee member will be prosecuted for corruption.  Actually the exoneration of the kith and kin of the president referred to above is the result of this policy.  John Luke is on record that nobody will be prosecuted for corruption.  Please see the following articles, ‘South Sudan: Don Salvatore Allegiance to the Code of Omerta in RSS’ and ‘Sudan: Corruption Saga - the SPLM Five Big Guns or the Quintet Squirrels’

Reacting to president Kiir’s suspension of the Ahmed Alor and Kosti Manibe; John Luke in ‘South Sudan says lifting immunity not automatic indictment of corruption’ subtly reiterates and re-invokes the SPLM Oyee policy of no prosecution for corruption.  

Therefore, all those who are hoping for a critical and factual report of the investigation followed by prosecution of the duo in court may be raising their hopes to be dashed.  John Luke erected a clear sign post as notice to the public last year when he said, “No Prosecution for Corruption in Republic of South Sudan”.

Now that we have explored the president’s action in light of the information and experiences available to us, let us move on to talk about the proposition of this paper which is that the president is using the corruption vehicle as a tool to weed out his opponents in the SPLM Oyee machine and to strengthen his position for the expected leadership contest.

In terms of the leadership contest, president Kiir is in a very awkward position.  First, he has practically proved beyond doubt that he is ineffective, weak and a tribal leader.  Under his watch South Sudan deteriorated to a failed state because he was focused on enriching the so called ‘born to rule’.  Secondly, he knows that his colleagues in the Oyee machine have lost confidence in his leadership.  Thirdly, he is a hostage to the semi illiterate and powerful group of tribalists led by people like Salva Mathok, the deputy minister of interior and Paul Malong, the governor of Northern Bahr El Ghazal.  Fourthly and crucially he has tasted power and does not want to lose it.  So if he is to remain in power he must secure re-election to the post of chairman of SPLM Oyee during the coming convention.  This requires him to be brutal to knock heads.  But knocking heads in an organisation of criminals can be a very dangerous business.  It is this very reason that has forced president Kiir to be selective like a predator stalking a herd while looking for the weak and easy prey.

Ahmed Alor and Kosti Manibe happen to be the weakest quarry in the herd to start the game with.  To send a strong message to the SPLM Oyee membership to tow the line, president Kiir has decided to sacrifice the duo.  Ahmed Alor is sacrificial because he is a foreigner and the overwhelming majority of South Sudanese know that and they would not go out to the streets to protect him.  After all, Ahmed’s opportunism disgusts a lot of people.  All his life in the then Sudan he did not want to associate with South Sudanese.  All his friends were Arabs and he did not want to identify with the South Sudanese cause.  In 1983 as a staunch Arabist and unionist he saw an opening in Dr John Garang’s ideology of New Sudan to become somebody.  He grabbed the opportunity and became a close friend of the late.  During that period he manipulated the late and enriched himself.  When Dr Garang died, he quickly jumped ship abandoning his group of Garang boys and attached himself to president Kiir; again he further enriched himself obscenely.  Now sensing that president Kiir is about to lose, he has began to reposition himself for another leap to place of power.  It seems president Kiir has noticed and hence his present predicament.

Although Ahmed Alor has support in the Abyei boys like Luka Biong, Gen. Pieng Deng, Dr Francis Deng and so on, this would not pose any threat on its own to president Kiir.  This obviously is a huge draw back for Abyei.  Ahmed Alor since Garang days has been the pivotal character distorting South Sudan politics.  The power that Ahmed wields in the SPLM Oyee machine via manipulation should not be underestimated especially in absence of ideology and a coherent policy in the party.  Ahmed is the one person responsible for the invisibility of the minister of foreign affairs and the forceful assertion of Abyeians as citizen of South Sudan contrary to the provision of the CPA of 2005.

With Ahmed’s fall from grace, it now remains to be seen whether this will result in shift in the unarticulated foreign policy of South Sudan.  It is worth remembering that South Sudan lost Panthou to the Sudan due to the machinations of the Abyei boys led by Ahmed and the negligence of Dr Riek Machar.    

Unlike Ahmed Alor, Kosti Manibe’s citizenship is unquestionable.  He hails from an area deep inside South Sudan.  An area that has produced patriots throughout the struggle for secession of South Sudan.  Kosti is not only a member of the SPLM Oyee but a committed loyal member whose character has all along been immaculate.  He is well educated, well mannered and very calm.  Kosti is a force for stability and good but unfortunately a self constructed victim of his very self.  Kosti is very disadvantaged.  He has no local support as proved by the general election of 2010.  He also has no followers in the SPLA as he is not a military person coupled with the oppression of Equatoria has made him to be disposable.  Kosti may have been chosen by president Kiir to make example of because he may not have revealed his political preference and allegiance as to who should be the next leader of South Sudan.  Kosti is reported to be notorious for silence and keeping things to himself and this may not have earned him friends among the Warrap cartel.

The dragging of the duo into the mud is also a serious warning to the other contenders.  Pagan has made his ambitions clear and it appears he may not be in good book of president Kiir.  Pagan being in the same predicament like Kosti without local support from the Chollo people may soon find himself in difficulties.  In the general election of 2010 he failed to win a seat in his home area.  However, he has advantage over Kosti as he appears to have some support in the SPLA and among the Bor people because he is a ‘Garang boy’.  Although this support puts him in a better position, there is no guarantee that he will not be dragged into the mud.

While president Kiir plays this roulette he has seriously compromised his own position and the welfare of the SPLM Oyee machine itself.  His advisors seem to be short sighted and they may have miscalculated badly.  This game which is supposed to strength president Kiir’s position ironically may be the very one that speeds the demise of his regime.  President Kiir enjoys the presidency because of the combined support of his tribe and their control of the SPLM Oyee machine.  By targeting Ahmed Alor and Kosti Manibe, he has automatically lost the support of the Abyei group and the Equatoria SPLM Oyee members.  The Abyei group due to marriage alliance may now shift their allegiance to Pagan Amum or even Dr Riek Machar in a trade off possibly for influence on foreign policy in South Sudan.  So what is emerging is the disintegration of the unity of greater Jieng which also means the loosening of their grip on power.

In effect, president Kiir’s opponents will now be the potential beneficiaries of his short sighted action.  Instead of strengthening his position, he has opened up himself to unnecessary attack weakening his authority and support base.  Ahmed Alor and Kosti Manibe are members of the SPLM national liberation council, the highest organ of the SPLM Oyee machine.  As far as it is known there is no mechanism in the organisation which will halt them from participating in the debate on the leadership question.  So, Ahmed and Kosti will have their day of revenge when things come to the NLC especially on the dispute over the voting system that decides the leadership of SPLM Oyee.

This drama should be a lesson to all those from the smaller tribes in the SPLM Oyee machine that they have no future in this organisation.  This is an organisation that serves one particular ethnic group.  It uses members of the other ethnic groups as fodder for its growth and enrichment of the ‘born to rule’.  If you swim with them, do not be surprised when they push you away from the deep clear water into the mud.

In all, president Kiir with his pedantic tricks is now stoking the disintegration of the SPLM Oyee.  This is good news for the country.  He should be encouraged to carry on.  We say well done to him and his advisors.  The disgruntled abused groups now have to carefully calculate on who to support for leadership in South Sudan because they have no future in it.  Wisdom dictates that Equatoria should pick up the mantle and challenge for the position of leadership to rescue the country from total collapse.

[Truth hurts but it is also liberating]

The Author lives in the Republic of South Sudan. He can be reached at This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it

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