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Editorial: The message behind President Kiir’s press briefing

By Elhag Paul

September 27, 2015 (SSNA) -- 15th September 2015 was a day of anticipation for the war battered people of South Sudan.   The country was earlier prepared through the media to expect a special speech from the President of the republic, Salva Kiir.  Radio Tamazuj like other media outlets informed the country a day earlier about the intended President’s address through an article under the heading ‘President Kiir to address the nation on economic hardship’  Eventually when President Kiir delivered the speech, it turns out to be a squelch of a man being dragged screaming and kicking to the implementation phase of the Compromise Peace Agreement he wholeheartedly detests. file:///C:/Users/Rosemary/Downloads/STATEMENT%20OF%20H.%20E.%20PRESIDENTSALVA%20KIIR%20MAYARDIT.pdf

The heroics he attempted to display in Addis Ababa on 17th August 2015 by refusing to sign the agreement ended with his tail between his legs.  In less than a week, President Kiir begged IGAD to bring the agreement to him in Juba to sign.

Since then the president has been whingeing like an insecure toddler.  Being in that state, President Kiir disingenuously claims in his speech that “the purpose of his press briefing is mainly to share ideas with you (the public) in order to find the best strategies to restore lasting peace in our country.”  Really?

If this press briefing was for finding the best strategies, how would it be operationalised and achieved?  Crucially, the president has not explained the mechanism for achieving such strategies. This supposed purpose for the press briefing ends in the introductory part of the briefing and it does not cascade into the body and the conclusion.  It stands out alone, disconnected from the other issues the president raised and emphasised.

As is the case with any written work, the public receive it and interpret it according to their understanding based on their own historical knowledge, values and beliefs.  Regardless of the types of lenses or tools used to make sense, President Kiir’s message conveys three points clearly.

First, is the capitulation of the regime to the regional body (IGAD).  The song of ‘reservations’ and explanations about violation of South Sudan’s sovereignty is an acknowledgement of a reality that he president Kiir has no power to stop the gathering clouds of peace.  Here, he is between the rock and the hard place.  Power is just slipping away gradually as the agreement gets implemented.  The absolute powers he gleefully wielded in the last decade issuing decrees left and right, threatening members of parliament with ‘roaming the streets’ and sacking elected governors have been drastically curtailed in the agreement he signed.  The act of signing away one’s own illegally obtained powers is the ultimate humiliation of the man and the Jieng Council of Elders.  It is the loss of this power and the status that goes with it which the agreement has brought that is making President Kiir shouts: ‘Help please! Help please! Our sovereignty is being violated!’  He and the JCE expect South Sudanese to be receptive to their cries and rally behind them.  No, Sirs.  Nobody is getting duped.  Nobody is buying his crocodile tears. 

True, South Sudan’s sovereignty is being tampered with but why should South Sudanese care since he (President Kiir) and the Jieng Council of Elders (JCE) were the first to violate it.  The JCE is a body of Jieng elders composed of Jieng intellectuals and semi illiterate self styled military officers whose objective is to further the interest of the Jieng tribe at the expense of the whole country.  It is not far fetched to argue that it is the JCE that actually has been running the affairs of the country.  Unlike elders anywhere in the world, the JCE is violent and kleptocratic.  In contrast, the global elders composed of dignitaries such as Mr Martti Ahtisaari. Mr Kofi Anan, Mrs Ela Bhatt, Ms Gro Harlem Bruntland, Ms Hina Jilani, Mr Lakhdar Brahimi, Mr Fernando Cardoso, Mr Jimmy Carter, Mr Nelson Mandela, Arcbishop Desmond Tutu etc devote their invaluable time to promoting peace and harmony among the people of the world.  They work tirelessly for world peace and they handle issues with care and prudence.  This is what is expected from real elders and not the violence of the JCE.

Back to the issue of sovereignty, President Kiir and the JCE have hijacked the sovereignty of South Sudan and they freely use it to advance Jieng interest in detriment to the whole country.  The Compromise Peace Agreement is actually a product of abuse of sovereignty of South Sudan by this same group.  Right after IGAD took over the mediation of the talks, President Kiir with the advice of JCE consistently denied the other stakeholders in the country to partake in finding a solution to the conflict.  For example, the denial and violation of the right of travel of people like Mr Peter Sule, Dr Lam Akol and others from going to attend the talks in Addis Ababa.  The question now is: why is President Kiir and the JCE seeking support from those they trashed and abused?  The centuries old adage – you reap what you sow applies here. 

The president and his Jieng short-sightedly antagonised the majority of South Sudanese.  They never thought there would be hard times.  Now, hard times are here, they want support of the very people they abused and deprived.  No, that support will not come.  In fact they first need to account for destroying the country.  As they have sowed killings, hatred, mega theft of public resource, ethnic cleansing, expansionists policies etc they now must reap “rebooting” of governance in the country with thorough accountability.  Thus as South Sudan is being rebooted South Sudanese really do not give a damn about a ‘hijacked sovereignty’ serving the interest of a single tribe: Jieng.

The second message President Kiir is passing to South Sudanese is that SPLM/A has ceased to be what it was.  This is most welcome news because this Jieng machine (SPLM/A) is the real cause of all the sufferings of South Sudanese people.  There is no need to talk about its evil because it is obvious.  Time and again South Sudanese have been warned that the SPLM/A will destroy them, but this message keeps falling on deaf ears.  Its leaders in the person of Pagan Amum and his group are now on the run for their dear lives from it.  For those who do not know much about the SPLM/A they should check the World Wide Web for the plethora of information about this criminal organisation.

President Kiir declared, ‘It must be stated clearly that the reality of political difference within the SPLM which has been cemented in the peace agreement, and accepted cheerfully by our colleagues in the opposition; requires us all to organise ourselves on new basis.  This simply means “The SPLM will never be one again as long as we follow the implementation of this Compromise Peace Agreement.”’ 

While this notification comes as a massive relief to majority of South Sudanese, President Kiir must be held to account for the role he played in destroying their beloved machine of terror.  The whole calamity that hit South Sudan ignited by the SPLM meeting of 5th March 2013 is a direct result of his gross negligence, poor leadership, and refusal to accept to be guided by party rules.  His obsession to remain “the flag bearer” without following the party rules landed the country into the current chaos.

President Kiir can not just now use the bitter pill of the Compromise Peace Agreement administered to them to place the blame of SPLM/A break up on Pagan Amum and Riek Machar.  He laments, “This IGAD prescribed peace document on the resolution of the conflict in the Republic of South Sudan is the most divisive and unprecedented peace deal ever seen in the history of our country and the African continent at large.”

This may well be the case but President Kiir should look himself in the mirror on the issue of division.  This ‘scarcely literate’ President forgets that he has been one of the most divisive figures in the country.  Since he came to power in 2005, Kiir has presided over the division of various ethnic groups in the whole country to promote Jieng expansionist policies.  For instance, in Upper Nile, he blatantly decreed Chollo land of Pigi county to the Jieng of Padang.  In Nimule, Eastern Equatoria, he promoted through violent means resettlements of Jieng of Bor and so on.  On the area of law and order he has allowed the Jieng to kill members of other ethnicities without accountability.  Tragically, in December 2013, President Kiir displayed his hateful traits by ethnically cleansing the Nuer in Juba.  Not only that but he imprisoned the survivors in the UN Protection camps to date.

So what division is President Kiir talking about?  The Compromise Peace Agreement actually unites all the people of South Sudan if anything.  Cynically, President Kiir attempts to convey a false picture to the world that South Sudanese before the Compromise Peace Agreement were united.  He and his JCE are the architect of divisions in the country with their vicious practice of violent tribalism.

As the SPLM/A is now heading towards a break up, the members of this dysfunctional organisation from the other ethnic groups should seize on this opportunity to free themselves completely by severing ties and joining other political groups.  This will ensure that the state powers the Jieng capitalised on under the SPLM/A becomes something of the past.  Let the JCE remain with their “SPLM “ and let the people see how they will gain votes from other ethnicities to accede to power again in a genuine election.

The third point subtly delivered is a threat or rather a declaration to obstruct the whole process of the transitional period.  President Kiir is a well known hypocrite.  He is fond of doing the opposite of what he promises or says.  During the celebration of South Sudan independence on 9th July 2011 he emphatically promised South Sudanese peace.  Before his words could be forgotten, he embarked on disarming all the other ethnicities and re-arming the Jieng.  The Nuer being the majority in the army by then also did the same.

Within five months after independence the country was thrown into a tribal war between an alliance of Jieng and Nuer against the Murle.  President Kiir and his Vice Riek did nothing as if nothing seriously damaging the credibility of the state had happened re its duty to protect.  Neglectfully neither of the two called or instituted an enquiry.  That was the first sign of failure in leadership of both President Kiir and Riek and the failure of state to protect its citizen.   Fresh from this debacle, President Kiir unnecessarily went into a wild adventure of invading the Sudan and eventually retreating to remain in the disputed Panthou.  He crowed to Mr Ban Ki Moon that he would never withdraw.  Within a day he pulled out.  Please see, ‘Panthou war: the reflections of unnecessary war’

In 2012 President Kiir promised to address the problem of rampant corruption.  He even produced a list of 75 alleged thieves.  What has he done?  Nothing!  Then in 2013 he recruits a private militia popularly known as Dootku Beny/Mathiang Anyoor/Gelweng.  It is this militia that became responsible for the cleansing of the Nuer in Juba sparking the current vicious war that has consumed tenth of thousands of lives and displaced over two million people.

It is clear from these few examples that President Kiir is definitely a hypocrite. 

Now read this excerpt from the Lord of Darkness’ briefing.  “Having made our reservations and expressed our disappointment on the provision of the Agreement, I (President Kiir) finally signed the Peace Document with reservations to return our country back to peace and development.  With that signature, I had fully committed the government to faithful implementation of the Agreement on the Resolution of conflict in the Republic of South Sudan.  All institutions of government in the country shall be bound by this Agreement and shall be expected to carry out the functions stipulated for them therein.  I believe you are aware of that National Council ministers has already endorsed and adopted the Agreement and that the National Legislature has ratified it as well.  In my capacity as Commander-In-Chief of the SPLA, I have already issued a cease fire order for SPLA troops to stop any military offensive in the conflict zones unless on self defence.”

Anybody who is a close observer of the president will be worried by what he has outlined.  His weasel words signify troubles.  President Kiir as a hypocrite may not be promising peace.  He may be declaring obstruction to the implementation of the peace agreement.  It is not a surprise therefore to see his troops aided by Uganda People Defence Forces using helicopter gunships to decimate the Chollo villages in Upper Nile and Unity states to clear land for resettlement of the Jieng.  This is a serious violation of the peace agreement.  Equally, he has unleashed his dogs of war on Equatoria while deceptively preaching peace as in his press briefing.  Equatoria now must face the reality of its predicament resulting from non active political engagement in the country.

The three points in the message sums up a declaration for a protracted obstruction to derail the Compromise Peace agreement.  In effect SPLM-IG and the evil forces running it have wedged themselves on the road to peace in South Sudan. The implementation of the peace agreement is not going to be an easy one. The road ahead will be bumpy with unexpected dangers along the way. 

Will Dr Riek Machar manage travelling on this road?  There is a big question mark.   Riek does not appear to grasp the dynamics emanating from the new reality created by the agreement.  In some state of lullaby dreaming of becoming a president, this pretender without any skills and knowledge of leadership is a disaster waiting to happen.  Instead of taking serious note of the violations by Juba so far denting the agreement and making it questionable, he is nowhere to be heard or seen.  Riek should by now vigorously be engaging the IGAD, South Sudanese people and the international community by delivering relevant national statements and holding conferences to highlight the numerous violations of the peace agreement with recommendations of what should be done. 

Unfortunately, he is nowhere to be heard or seen.  Sadly, he leaves this vital job to his spokesman.

Riek now jubilantly goes around with wide smiles deluding himself that he has achieved a victory.  Anybody who followed Riek’s behaviour after he signed the Khartoum Peace Agreement in 1997 can not fail to see the same naive behaviour surfacing again in him.  Back then he carried himself as if he wielded real power in Khartoum.  His tribalistic actions were everywhere to be seen with posts dished out to close family members and some favoured Nuer.  That experience in short ended bitterly as he had to run to Dr Garang in 2002 with his tail coiled.   South Sudanese are about to be administered a dose of similar behaviour in a very fluid and dangerous circumstances whereby the oppressors of the people are geared to fighting to the death.

If Riek wants to win this battle in order to realise peace for a democratic transformation in the county, he must be pro-active, constantly alert, highly communicative and actively engaging the stakeholders, drafters and guarantors of the deal to breath fire on the regime in Juba.  Otherwise his credibility and limited support will be a foregone conclusion.

In conclusion, President Kiir’s press briefing is a serious message of a wounded bull whose future has been blown by the IGAD document.  It is a declaration of a fight to the death.  Therefore, South Sudanese, the drafters of the agreement and the international community must take note and be prepared for the worst.

[Truth hurts but it is also liberating]

The author lives in the Republic of South Sudan. He can be reached at  This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it .

Editorial: Ceasefire violation—is Juba mocking the international community?

By Kuach Tutkuay

September 12, 2015 (SSNA) -- Civilians in South Sudan received the signing of the peace agreement with great euphoria hoping that guns would be silenced and life gets back to normalcy. Waiting in awe and eager to see a bright dawn of calms, the South Sudanese women and children have paid the heaviest price of the crisis as the war consumed everything and ravaged every mean of a living; with encroaching poverty, millions of people had to wholly depend on humanitarian aid. The war that saw the whole of greater Upper Nile plunged into avis has also cost the nation tens of thousands lives. Although a political tag of war within the SPLM party, it took an ethnic dimension resulting into ethnic brutalities.

South Sudanese all over the country heap sigh of relieve when the two principals declared a permanent ceasefire because it symbolize a grand return of peace to the nation; and to women, it means no more mama’s are going to cry and no more youth have to die. Ironically, the government still maintained some reservations that could either be construed as slowing the pace of the implementation of the agreement or perpetuating the perilous hostilities by the warring parties. Some people may argue that a significant disagreement sufficed from the government side as army slackens their feet to abide by the ceasefire. What confuses many civilians the most is that the declaration of the permanent ceasefire only increase hostilities that it was supposed to halt.

President Kiir declared a ceasefire while dispatching troops of armed soldiers by river in barges to attack the positions of the SPLA in northern Jonglei and Upper Nile. This resulted in heavy fighting in Fangak and Panyijiar as the SPLA are on the defensive whereas the Pro-government forces on the offensive. In Malakal, the government launched an all-out war on the rebel-held western bank of the Nile around Werjuok, Lelo and Makal Shilluk. It was never clear whether this is an initiative by the armies independently or with a command from Juba. When President Kiir appeared as issuing a queasy warning to the ceasefire violators, many people were forced to believe that whatever is happening with the government may symbolize a division as the chief of staff is allegedly portrayed as disagreeing to the peace agreement.

However, one thing that could be obvious is that the Juba government, including Kiir himself, knows about the whole fiasco of the violation of the ceasefire. In Juba, government have slapped an airport curfew to enable them dispatch warplanes to Malakal at night without the knowledge of the UNMISS and other international bodies present in Juba. It seems the Juba government is quite oblivious about the permanent ceasefire they declared late August. What kind of ceasefire on earth can still allow for military quest for territorial gain? It is, and has never been a ceasefire or else it was never signed in good faith. It was signed just to seduce the international community into believing that there is truly a peace in South Sudan. Whether some bombs still fly over innocent women and children in Upper Nile and Unity states that are left to the conscience of the irrational uncouth pro government troops.

In this regards, the bashing of the two warring parties is no longer applicable. It is crystal clear who the violators are and what their motive is. The IGAD-plus is therefore left with two options. They either impose punitive actions on the ceasefire violators or witness a grand return of war. Given the level of dissatisfaction this time, the second war will no longer be confined to Greater Upper Nile alone. The two other greater are likely to be dragged in and the whole nation will fall into immense humanitarian catastrophe and the already volatile humanitarian situation will perpetuate. When crisis happens, civilians always pay the heaviest price. South Sudanese have had enough share of the suffering, the remaining orphans and widows cannot afford to continue living on the edge of death—death by bullet, death by disease and death by hunger.

Tolerating a wrong means encouraging more wrongs; violation of the ceasefire remains a breach of an agreement and is not justifiable by any form of fallacy. The signing of the peace agreement was a great milestone for IGAD-Plus but an agreement per se is not enough, they should also protect it. Any agreement that does not have a clear mechanism to protect it from any breach is not worthy an agreement at all, it is merely an obnoxious peace that would backfire anytime. The bottom line is that we should punish wrongs wherever they occurred and should not shy away from reprimanding wrongdoing. With the ceasefire being violated and no action taken, the peace agreement itself is likely to be violated. This is how dictators come to control everything bit by bit, the real metamorphosis of a dictator: try a trivial nasty decision and see people’s reaction, then go for a bigger malicious decision and see their reaction again and, finally, do whatever you want.

This peace agreement has a very slim chance to pass muster, however, it is too early to conclude that it has backfired. In case the peace collapse because of the action of those individuals violating the peace with impunity and the international community does nothing, the international community would surely be the obvious to blame. But we hope and pray that it does not collapse because the lives the war has claimed, whether in government or in opposition, are the human resources that would take South Sudan forward.

The writer could be reached on  This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it  or @kuach444 on Twitter.

Editorial: With peace deal, will Gen. Museveni’s expansionism vision in South Sudan come to an end?

By Milton Allimadi

New York, August 27, 2015 (SSNA) -- The biggest loser with the South Sudan Peace Deal is Uganda's Gen. Yoweri Museveni.

Salva Kiir has not been ruling South Sudan since December 2013 when his power struggle with then Vice President Riek Machar started. Museveni is the real power.

Terms of the peace deal call for Uganda troops to be pulled out of the country in 45 days. Many students of the South Sudan conflict don't believe Kiir can survive long without Uganda's army, which has been doing the fighting for him and has sustained heavy casualties.

Many Ugandan dead are believed to have been buried in South Sudan so as not to create turmoil from their relatives within Uganda if the true magnitude of the losses were to become clear.

South Sudan opposition leader Machar has for long claimed that the conflict was instigated and sustained by the Ugandan dictator of 30 years Gen. Museveni. It's believed Gen. Museveni advised Kiir to "neutralize" Machar.  Kiir sent elite troops against his then Vice President in December 2013 at his official residence in Juba. Machar, a wily veteran of many of the conflicts, first in Sudan and now in South Sudan, somehow fought his way out.

Within weeks his own loyalists defected from the army and joined him in his strongholds in the northern part of South Sudan. Machar declared in January 2014 that his forces would soon capture Juba.

Gen. Museveni quickly stepped in. Thousands of Ugandan troops rolled across the border with trucks and tanks. Uganda's air forces also started bombing Machar's positions and reportedly killed many civilians. A few planes have been shot down. Human Rights Watch and the U.N. also condemned Uganda's use of cluster bombs.

Horrific war crimes and crimes against humanity have been committed by all the combatant forces: Salva Kiir's anemic army; Uganda's robust intervention force;  Machar's opposition fighters; and the assortment of militias that have emerged since fighting broke out.

Why has Gen. Museveni intervened militarily in South Sudan? Because military expansionism has always been his nature -- to control neighboring countries, plunder resources from those countries, while also keeping his over-sized army busy less it turns on him domestically.

In 1990 about 5,000 soldiers of Uganda's army invaded neighboring Rwanda disguised as a guerrilla army called Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF).  Gen. Paul Kagame at the time was a senior officer in Gen. Museveni's army, as head of military intelligence.

Gen. Museveni's ambition was to install Kagame as a pliant ruler in Rwanda and eventually annex the country.  The invasion and war culminated in the 1994 massacres when the plane carrying then Rwanda president Juvenal Habyarimana, who belonged to the Majority Hutu ethnic group, was shot down.

For years the popular narrative was that the plane was downed by Hutu hardliners opposed to a peace deal. Last year the BBC aired a ground-breaking documentary "Rwanda's Untold Story" in which former Kagame senior military and political associates say it was actually Kagame himself who ordered the plan downed. The conflagration that Kagame knew would ensue would then give him the excuse to seize power, which he did, according to the former aides interviewed in the documentary.

In 1998, Bernard Debre, a former French minister said the missiles used to destroy the plane, which was also carrying Burundi's president Cyprien Ntaryamira was provided to the RPF by Uganda, which in turn obtained them from the United States, according to an article in The New York Times -- which the U.S. denied.

Kagame, an ethnic Tutsi, had the most to lose in a peace deal; elections would have resulted in the majority Hutus, 85% of the population, retaining power.

Once in Rwanda power, Gen. Kagame then helped Gen. Museveni invade Congo in 1996. Mobuttu Sese Seko was deposed. Gen. Museveni and Gen. Kagame installed Laurent Kabila in power.

But Kabila soon resented his domineering patrons, Museveni and Kagame. Not surprisingly, he was mysteriously assassinated.  Kabila was succeeded by his son Joseph Kabila.

Then Kagame started resenting Gen. Museveni's domination. Their armies fought two bitter battles in 2000 and 2002, not on their own territories, but in the city of Kisangani, in the Congo, the country they occupied and from which they plundered billions of dollars in mineral resources. The armies clashed over the right to steal Congo's diamonds; the 2002 battle left more than 1,200 civilians dead and destroyed 4,000 buildings.

Gen. Museveni and Gen. Kagame eventually came to a truce; they turned their energy to something more lucrative -- continuing to loot the Congo. Meanwhile the body counts from their militarism mounted; estimates of Congolese dead exceeds six million.

Some of the dirty work --killing Congolese civilians and plundering resources-- was done for Gen. Museveni and Gen. Kagame by militias they trained, including the notorious M23, which was also commanded by senior Rwanda military officers, including the minister of defense Gen. James Kabarebe, according to the United Nations.

After atrocities committed by M23 in the Congo city of Goma, U.S. President Obama personally phoned Gen. Kagame and warned him of consequences if he didn't pull back his proxy army; meanwhile, the United Nations deployed an intervention force spearheaded by Tanzanian and South African troops.  M23 was defeated and many fighters and commanders fled to Uganda and Rwanda in December 2013.

By December 2014 Gen. Museveni was already eyeing South Sudan. He knew that Kiir was much more pliant while Machar has always been mercurial with a very independent streak. Salva Kiir would be a better partner for the long run; by controlling Kiir, Gen. Museveni  would also control and dominate South Sudan with its oil fields and other riches.

This could only be done with Machar out of the way.  That's why Kiir attacked Machar in December, accusing him of plotting a coup, which even the U.S., not a big fan of Machar, dismissed as fantasy.

Unfortunately for both Gen. Museveni and Kiir, Machar survived; so far.

That's why for the last 20 months South Sudan has endured horrific warfare. Gen. Museveni has been trying to eliminate Machar.

There's also another profit-motive. The airport in Juba, where the U.N. ships relief supplies and those for U.N. peacekeepers is operated by ENHAS the private company owned by the notoriously corrupt Uganda foreign affairs minister Sam Kutesa who is now ending up his post as President of the U.N. General Assembly; his company acquired the U.N. contract illegally since he didn't disclose his ownership when ENHAS bid for it. Kutesa's daughter is married to Museveni's son Brigadier Muhoozi Kaenerugaba. When The Black Star News brought this fraud to the U.N.'s attention rather than revoke the contract the world body engaged in covered-up by disabling links on its website showing payments to Kutesa totaling almost $30 million.

Without Gen. Museveni's expansionism and Kutesa's profiteering in South Sudan, Kiir and Machar would have long ago concluded a peace deal.

Now with the eyes of the world on the South Sudan conflict after President Obama personally addressed it during his recent Africa trip Gen. Museveni's space for maneuvering has disappeared.

It's believed by many observers of the conflict that it was Gen. Museveni who advised Salva Kiir not to sign the peace deal when all the parties met in Ethiopia last week. He wanted Kiir to insist on revising the deal to allow Uganda's army to remain longer in South Sudan. Even when he finally signed the deal Thursday, Kiir complained and voiced doubts that it would endure.

Many believe he's speaking on behalf of Museveni.

The obstructionism last week had backfired. The White House in a statement released by National Security Advisor Susan Rice, gave Salva Kiir a 15-day ultimatum to sign; but in reality Rice was speaking to Museveni.  Reportedly President Obama had said "enough is enough."   While in Ethiopia Obama had also pointedly said any African ruler who claims he's the only one who can hold his country together means the leader hasn't done a good job.  Museveni has in the past made that statement in Uganda.

Now that the deal is signed Gen, Museveni has 45 days to pull his troops from South Sudan. Some observers believe he will try to disguise some Uganda troops and some former M23 fighters also shipped there by Uganda as Kiir's fighters. However the verification mechanism created by IGAD, the regional body that handled the negotiations should be able to prevent this.

Gen. Museveni himself faces domestic political heat during elections next year  -- he will need his troops back home if he wants to successfully rig the vote again.

If Uganda troops leave Machar himself should not be tempted to again march on Juba to seize power.

The South Sudanese have suffered immeasurably.

Give peace a chance.

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