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Editorial: Obama’s woes and accolades

By Deng Vanang

July 25, 2015 (SSNA) -- It is called a miracle God, the supernatural looking down from good heavens. That is miraculous because he miraculously molds the would-be powerfully renowned individuals from unlikely and hopeless backgrounds.

Dismissed as a liar, impersonator of Holy God and a son of a poor carpenter, Joseph - Jesus Christ was physically and verbally abused by His Jewish people until he was given a second thought as the true son of the living God long after he breathed his last on a rough wooden cross at Calvary.

The Nuer’s Prophet, Ngundeng Bong traveled similar rough terrain. He was known to have foretold the independence of South Sudan and the entire difficult trajectory – before and after independence – the country painfully irked along, was earlier on dismissed as mad boy and most elders surrounding him late in life stubbornly refused to adhere to his prophetic counsels.

In his first time to come home and roost in 1989, none cast a second glance at a poor black and white half cast American bogged down by weight of a mixed bag of a little more than odds and ends by the side of his grandmother, Sahara Obama.

A lost boy in search for an unknown motherland called Kenya while he traveled in dusty back streets and alleys of Nairobi in a comic, ramshackle saloon car. With torn-smelly sofas was his cozy bed to lay his head on over nights in a dingy sitting room. That is several years ago.

Today, Barack Hussein Obama is a dashing darling of both high and lowly. The powerful man on earth as the President of the only world’s super power America before whom every soul kowtows in awe.  As well as a supper rock star before whom every Dick, Tom and Harry looks up in ecstatic adoration.

It is this new and special status since he first saw and finally conquered the Oval office each and every part of the world craves to identify with in a mad rash to slice a piece of him. This is albeit the glaring and more tragic home truths that came on his way in a long journey to history.

That his father graced only single liner sentence in once popular Nairobi Times newspaper when mangled dead in a pick up on Elgon road, Upper Hills in Nairobi on fateful day of November, 23rd 1982. With no fond memories to leave behind as adversely eulogized by his closer colleagues and buddies as nothing than dawn to dust drunkard and a chain womanizer.

Nevertheless, he was an academic icon in Kenya‘s architectural history as the most prestigious Harvard educated economist. Who conceived of what is today Kenya’s dazzling beauty via tourism industry and physical infrastructure in form of roads, aviation, harbor, electricity, railways and name it. The conferences epicenter Bomas of Kenya and sky scrapping Hilton Hotels are his additional cultural master pieces.

While Obama Junior both closer home and a broad remains the epic battle ground each of his rivaling and expansive Obama clans in Kenya doesn’t want to cede to the other in custody rights. Wars over Obama‘s much contested ownership never end there and then either.

Anglo-Saxons view him as their own making courtesy of his Irish maternal father and mother. Kenya holds him as the dearest apple in the irreplaceable eye sight. While Lou community in particular sees his American presidency as the miraculous embodiment of a long sought after Presidency it is repeatedly denied of clinching right here in Kenya.

To South Sudanese, South Sudan is his cradle from which his Luo ancestors left Kenya due to a minor in house dispute to which he could bring the illusive peace deal at the ongoing IGAD’s peace talks in Addis Ababa. For Africans, he is a true son of the soil born of a Kenyan father. As much as Asia where Obama is a step son of an Indonesian man with his name sake town in Japan called Obama. For Arab and Muslim world, Obama is the Muslim hiding behind a Christian shrine.

All this history makes part of Obama’s life as a child of disdainful contrasts and flowery destiny. He was born of an atheist mother and free – wheeler father, commended one Kenyan writer in the Saturday Daily Nation newspaper. But became more of a disciplined child and proud of his heritage of a poor country in the dark African continent. 

Craned out his long neck to even crave for a stake in who is who American politics when he could instead be hunted down as an Arab –Islamic terror suspect by a racist white police in what is highly regarded as the country of white aristocrats. He is pauper who boldly held a torch against moneyed white billionaires with history to boot in a straight fight over a house, originally and deliberately painted white the only white rulers.

Deng Vanang is a Journalist and the author of South Sudan the Making of a Nation, a Journey from Ethnic Polities to Self-rule, State and Democracy. He can be reached at This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it .

Editorial: Countering lawlessness in South Sudan

By Elhag Paul

July 20, 2015 (SSNA) -- In the article, ‘SPLM, a curse to South Sudan’ I argued that this organisation has no idea of what to do with South Sudan.  ‘To all intent and purpose (it is) confused without any identity of what they (it) stand(s) for.’  The only thing that keeps it going is the entrenched culture of violence it introduced and normalised in the country.  As a result South Sudan has been in a state of lawlessness for over three decades now.

In order to capture this state of lawlessness and suggest a solution to it, I shall highlight six incidents to make the case clearer.  In November 2007 SPLA soldiers shot dead 3 senior police officers in Yambio in their offices because they refused to release a detainee to them.

In the same year the then minister of finance, Mr Arthur Akuein Chol, was fired for embezzling nearly sixty million dollars.  He was arrested and remanded in prison.  However his tribe’s mates in the security services violently freed him from Juba prison while on remand.  Soon after the unlawful violent release Mr Chol was appointed to the Upper House of the parliament by President Kiir.  To this date he serves in that august house.

In 2009 President Salva Kiir awards Pigi County in Jonglei state to the Jieng people dispossessing the Chollo people of their ancestral land.  These events happened before South Sudan attained its independence.  We see state agents and institutions violently assaulted by SPLA with impunity.  We see a criminal freed violently and illegally from state prison by his tribe’s mates and rewarded by the president with a responsible post in the legislative assembly.  We see the President dispossessing citizens of another tribe for whom he has a duty to protect in favour of his own tribe.

After independence in July 2011 South Sudan ploughs on without any change in its governance.  In December 2011 an alliance of Jieng and Nuer targeted the Murle people with an open notice circulated in the social media declaring an intent to “wipe out” the Murle as a final solution.

While in Equatoria, the Jieng systematically dispossessed the Madi people of Nimule, from their home land with the support of the government.  The Madi tribe’s leadership and its influential members have routinely been killed by SPLA Jieng soldiers.

In the summer of 2013 President Kiir forms a militia with the help of the then governor of Northern Bahr El Ghazal state General Paul Molong Awan against the advice of the then Chief of the Army General James Hoth Mai.  In December of the same year, President Kiir unleashed this force on the Nuer people in Juba and the surrounding areas.

We see the state failing to protect the Murle people from being “wiped out” by the tribal alliance of the Jieng and Nuer.  The Murle had to fend for themselves and to their credit they did very well in holding their corner.  We see the powers that be sanctioning the dispossession of the Madi people from their land in Equatoria by the Jieng.  The government deliberately ignored the aggression on the Madi people by the Jieng.  Worst still, we see the president running an illegal militia parallel to the national army. 

From these few selected snippets of numerous stories something glaringly stands out.  In spite of the fact that all of the suspects in these cases hail from one tribe and are known, they have not been arrested, or investigated or prosecuted to show that indeed law and order exist in South Sudan.  All the culprits involved are protected by their tribe’s mates and the government.  They roam the streets posing continuous serious risks to peaceful people.

All these point to one thing.  South Sudan prior to independence and after independence has been in a state of chaos.  There has never been any law and order in South Sudan but tribal disorder and chaos.  Surprisingly this chaos is designed, hatched and promoted by the so called Jieng Council of Elders (JCE) composed of judges, lawyers and intellectuals.  Please get a sense of the mindset of the JCE by reading their recent letters.  Here they are: ’Jieng Council of Elders reject imposition of peace in South Sudan’ http://paanluelwel.com/2015/04/01/jieng-council-of-elders-rejects-imposition-of-peace-on-south-sudan/ and ‘Response of the Jieng Council of Elders to the latest IGAD proposal on power sharing’  http://www.southsudannation.com/response-of-the-jieng-council-of-elders-to-the-latest-igad-proposal-on-power-sharing/

So what is going on in South Sudan is what the enlightenment philosopher Jean Jacques Rousseau calls the state of nature - an environment where the armed uses brute force to stamp his wishes on the peaceful and an unarmed.

As you can see what has been going on in South Sudan is contrary to what the Troika and the UN have been saying about South Sudan.  They repeatedly and relentlessly call South Sudan as a young democracy and a legitimate system thereby reinforcing the ongoing lawlessness.

Now this lawlessness has a history covering over 3 decades which must be taken into consideration if peace is to be achieved in South Sudan.  This starts from 1983 with the inception of SPLM/A – an organisation that has been lawless to the core waging war against Khartoum supposedly to establish a “New Sudan” of multi-racial, multi-cultural and multi-religious order, but also consolidating power into the hands of a single tribe, the Jieng.  To deeply understand the arguments advanced in this piece and the true nature of the SPLM, the reader my wish to read the work of Dr Peter Adwok Nyaba, ‘Politics of Liberation of South Sudan’ and also the work of Dr Lam Akol Ajawin ‘Colonialism, Resistance and Autonomy’ among other written critiques of the SPLM/A.

During the Machakos negotiation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), a golden chance availed itself to stop SPLM/A from continuing with the chaos and to transform itself for the better but this was lost when the talks assumed the modal of peace negotiation between two principals or what is commonly referred to as peace between “elites”.  This discriminatory and oppressive modal eliminated all the democratic forces representing the various political groups in north Sudan and south Sudan. 

Principally, this theory is not new at all.  In 18 century, monarchs in Europe deployed it to exclude their subjects (the people) from participating in political discussions that affects their lives.  Jean Jacques Rousseau’s theory of ‘Social Contract’ was a direct response to this undesirable model of conflict resolution.  The monarchs at the time argued that they had a divine right to legislate on behalf of the people without the people representing themselves.  Rousseau’s response to this nonsense was that sovereignty lies in the people and essentially the people must be the shapers of their destiny.

Therefore, the adoption of the “elites” model in the Machakos negotiations in effect pushed the forces of democracy out narrowing the talks to the men of arms.  The net result as we know now has been consolidation of dictatorship in both Sudans with lawlessness reigning in South Sudan.  Not only that but wars broke out in both Sudans meaning the CPA was ineffective in bringing peace.

The implosion of the system in Juba in December 2013 was not a surprise to South Sudanese, it was expected.  While the events of that particular period are sad and painful, it should be taken as an opportunity and here let me borrow the words of Ms Helda Johnson, the former United Nations Representative of the Secretary General to South Sudan to describe what needs to happen.  South Sudan needs to be “rebooted”.

Rebooting South Sudan does not need IGAD’s current approach which is more of what happened in the CPA.  As Albert Einstein correctly said such a repetition would be insanity.   “Insanity” according to him, “is doing the same thing over and over again and expecting different result.”   We can not employee the same strategy used during the CPA that ended up empowering the very parties perpetuating lawlessness to realise peace, law and order.  Unbelievably this is what is going on now with IGAD-Plus. 

It is wrong to speculate that power sharing and narrowing the talks between the SPLM/A factions will bring peace.  The very notion of sharing power and wealth in the same country between a fractured party is manifestly wrong.  It implies that governance should be based on appropriation of power and resources to certain groups rather than for these resources to be used by the political group for the benefit of the whole country as it should be.  Such approaches employed by IGAD encourage vicious competition for meagre resources which means other non state actors will begin to mushroom across the country to claim their share thus perpetuating instability and war lordism.

However, one of the draw backs with the current IGAD‘s approach is that it tends to hide the real problem which is tribalism which fuels the lawlessness.   It is good to talk about deals between elites, but it is important to know: who are these elites?  Using the term elite in African context can be misleading.  The Oxford dictionary defines elite as “A select group that is superior in terms of qualities to the rest of a group or society.”   This is essentially a Eurocentric view which normally looks at elites as people emanating from different ethnic backgrounds but with similar experiences and interests in a country.  Unlike in Africa, where political leaders usually come from a tribe and to dominate for the interest of the tribe.  IGAD appears to be using the elite model of brokering peace in South Sudan to promote continuation of dictatorship in the new country.

The question to ask is: does SPLM/A really have superiority and quality?  The obvious answer is no.  However, if one peers deeper into this organisation, the reality is that it is a tribal organisation and so its various factions as tribally oriented.  For example, take SPLM/A in government, the president is a Jieng, the minister of foreign affairs is a Jieng, the minister of defence is a Jieng, the minister of home affairs is a Jieng, the chief of police is a Jieng, the chief of prisons is a Jieng, everywhere is headed and stuffed by Jieng.  Similarly with the SPLM in opposition everything and everywhere is stuffed by the Nuer. 

Turn to the peace talks under IGAD, the bulk of the representatives of both factions are composed of the two groups with both heads of delegations with their spokesmen.  The bitter fact is that 62 tribes are marginalised and excluded from the affairs of the country.  Who then represents this silent majority in the IGAD peace talks?  Therefore what goes on in IGAD is not peace talks but deliberate empowerment of two ethnic groups to lord it over the majority of the 62 ethnic groups.  It is difficult to see how a lasting peace can be achieved under IGAD.

A careful examination of the IGAD talks suggests that, it is not about bringing peace to South Sudan.  Its latest peace proposal being floated is the increasing evidence the talks are primarily about politics and the interest of the IGAD member states and others far afield.  The insistence on a deal between the warring factions of SPLM/A whose combined population is less than 20 percent of the country speaks for itself.  This medieval monarchical method of conflict resolution is a disgrace to Africa at large and South Sudan in particular.  How could Africans (IGAD) wilfully promote a hopeless Eurocentric theory which the Europeans themselves have trashed, buried and ditched centuries ago in a new 21st century state of South Sudan?

It is startling that the Troika are backing a non democratic approach which strives to entrench totalitarianism in the country they love to refer to as a young democracy.  This song is misleading because it encourages the dictators in Juba to continue with their misrule.  If the Troika truly believed in promoting democracy in South Sudan they should be seen to promote practices that encourage and lay democratic structures.  Such practice would necessitate the Troika to recommend and encourage an inclusive pluralistic process bringing all South Sudanese together to truly sort out the mess of SPLM/A once and for all.  Not what is going on right now in Addis Ababa, Nairobi and Arusha in tandem. 

In a sense, a pluralistic approach is not only to promote democracy but to also avail the South Sudanese a chance to make their own ‘Social Contract’ which they have never had the opportunity to do because the current South Sudan was born out of vehement opposition to Khartoum’ Islamic system by the African tribes in the Sudan.

The latest IGAD proposal will most likely not be signed as all the signs are that the talks may fail like that of 6th March 2015.  If by sheer luck or shrewd arm twisting it should succeed then it may not bring the long awaited peace for reasons already elaborated above namely the repair and reunification of the SPLM/A and its failed structures that generated and will continue to generate instability in the country. 

It is possible that the dogged refusal by IGAD supported by Troika to apply democratic practice to the talks in Addis Ababa may be driven by the fear of the unknown.  The international community through IGAD appear to prefer the talks to be limited to the SPLM because such a process excludes stakeholders and directs the talks to achieve a desired outcome.  The main purpose of such a manoeuvre is to ensure the interest of the involved members of the international community is not compromised or lost in a multi stakeholder’s process that may produce actors whose intent is to truly work for the benefit of South Sudan. 

In the case of South Sudan the international community appear to prefer business with the ultra corrupt murderous SPLM/A than the peace loving people of South Sudan.  So, they may be thinking it is better for them to patch the SPLM/A up because it serves their interest.  They do not want to see a situation where power shifts from the SPLM through the talks which can lead to a true change of political play leading to a potential loss of interest of the member states of IGAD and beyond.

The political corruption of IGAD countries distorts the reality of South Sudan politics.  For example, Uganda’s overt destructive activities in South Sudan.  On one hand it is an active participant in the war using banned weapons such as cluster bombs and helicopter gunships in eviscerating South Sudanese and their properties in the war zones.  On the other it pretends that it is a peace maker and a friend of the people of South Sudan.  Given what is going on any talk by the international community of standing with the people of South Sudan is a mere facade and face saving gimmick.  South Sudanese are on their own and they should be prepared to go it alone to make their own peace.  The earlier this point is grasped by South Sudanese, the quicker a solution can be found from within.

However, as IGAD-Plus is now in charge, if it truly wants to achieve peace then it should counter the lawlessness in South Sudan by considering the following suggestions:

1) The IGAD-Plus talks to be inclusive rather than dragging on with a wrong and a failed process based on a deal between supposed “elites”.

2) The objectives of the talks must be about resolving the core issues generating problems in the country notably: tribalism, state driven violence against citizens, corruption and lack of law and order.

3) Reform of the entire security sector with emphasis on representation of all ethnicities in the various organs of the sector.

4) Accountability, preferably through the current international legal structures as the crimes committed in South Sudan is of an international nature.

5) To make maximum impact to discourage corruption, the UNSC should freeze accounts of all South Sudanese who have in excess of 2 hundred thousand dollars.  South Sudanese know that before 2005 hardly any person of South Sudan origin had that amount of money.

5) NGOs to be discouraged from shielding the government from its responsibility to provide services.

6) The AU report into the violence in South Sudan in December 2013 must be released.  Further delay clearly will mean denial of justice to the victims.  The adage justice delayed is justice denied applies here.

7) IGAD needs to consider the invaluable contributions of South Sudanese intellectuals, the Diaspora and the people of Equatoria in brokering peace.  Position papers from these groups have already been submitted to IGAD.

Finally, South Sudan has been lawless for over three decades.  During this period it has bled and lost over two million people, majority of whom died at the hands of the SPLM/A.  The latest bloodletting initiated by President Kiir in December 2013 setting the country alight needs to be resolved through a modern multi stake holders process and not the medieval “elite” process adopted by IGAD.  If IGAD truly wants to solve the South Sudan problem it should change course of direction now and do the right thing for the sake of the region generally and South Sudan in particular.

[Truth hurts but it is also liberating]

The author can be reached at  This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it .

Editorial: Juba down on its knees, reining in crazy dollar

By Deng Vanang

July 20, 2015 (SSNA) -- With hope for peace either rising or dwindling, another dangerous weapon has additionally teamed up with the blazing and blaring guns’ barrels in South Sudan’s civil war. That is in dangerously falling money market, now driving Juba nuts while offering rebels some jaw-breaking laughter. 

Warning shots have already been aimed at the doomsayers predicting the collapse of terminally ill Juba government. First casualty on the list was Tony blazer, former UNMISS’ spokesman who secretly remarked an eminent economic death of the regime currently desperate for words of consolation than those that sink its ever depressing spirit.

War in this part of the world can be either way defending on where one happens to be.   A multi-facet adventure and equally laughing matter Africans reluctantly seem to regard as such.

For them, its declaration against enemy within or unfriendly neighbor is within just a split second unlike the first and the second worlds.

In those two worlds, the war takes energy and time consuming decision-making before it is declared. For as they know, war involves high costs requiring full pledged war council commissioned with the duty to weigh whether or not it is a viable option.

While in the heat of taking such decision, rockets may probably be whizzing overhead but this is not to upset the Council which level headedly and dutifully continues with focus in juggling pros and cons of choosing between an outright war and diplomacy.

Among the costs council considers if war becomes unavoidable option are the state of country’s economy and population to sustain it.

The kind of sophisticated weaponries come a long way in serious deliberation to wage and wind war or at least defend the country from being run over. How expensive these weapons are within the reach of healthy public purse. The longer the war may take and possible allies to come by to one’s aid should the enemy’s martial prowess proves overwhelming, are just few of even more unnamed costs.

These are not however issues to consider by African or third world’s leaders before war can be solemnly declared. Since even to their understanding on the contrary the war has its benefits, making it a highly sought for lucrative venture which offers an alibi for poor performance.

Its urge therefore, outweighs the quest for diplomacy that demands fairly fewer resources than an open warfare.

Why war is their most preferred option has several reasons than they can be numbered. To them, it covers up failures with several opportunities since it is cheaper to handle peoples’ expectations at war time than at peace’s time.

The war diverts attention of curious populace jittery about leaders’ poor performance. It more over gives the leaders the singularly ready-made answer to too many questions from the populace as to why they poorly perform. All resources being thrown to a war gamble is that ready – made answer from the publicly quizzed leaders.

As the war progresses, it makes them to loot more money unnoticed under the pretext of war costs which are hardly known to the populace already scattered and on the run helter- skelter.

Government’s top administrators in the war zones run a booming war economy, especially in pocketing the salaries of deserted or defected servicemen and civil servants without having to report to the headquarters.

Finally, war indefinitely extends term limits, a boon for unpopular leaders to continue staying and enjoying the cozy Presidential palaces. The strategy relieves them of pain against facing an otherwise hostile electorate, unpredictable elections and their grueling campaigns.

But for South Sudanese who try to slice a bit of good life while leaders have their taste of power after a long absence of these goodies, number one reason doesn’t apply for those still expecting salaries and incentives behind the battle lines of both divides.

War tolls may hardly pass by unnoticed with many families descending down from previously high ivory towers in which they lived to mud-walled shacks. While others might already have their mad rash to secure plastic sheeting spaces in sprawling camps in and outside the country.

Many sickly patients discharged from hospitals mid-way in deathbeds or to recovery. With school going children pulled out of their tenacious grip with future.

All the aforementioned pressing concerns point to one and the same reason that South Sudan’s economy is giving way to about two years’ old officially declared civil war with its many and so severe casualties now rising on and off the pitch.

That is towns are covered with sky billowing dust as fish ponds like pot holes dotted the dilapidated roads. Scarce public transport vehicles couldn’t longer meet the increasing influx into Juba of rural poor facing crashing poverty on the country’s economic margins.

Juba bathing in the heat of over 40 degrees Celsius daily is now a closer thing to hell since it is not less than an oven that fries and melts everything thrown on it.

While shrinking oil fields accounting to 98% of total country’s GDP give new headache to Juba government currently declared by both rebels and US a legal nullity.

This resultantly creates yawning deficit in the national budget that is struggling to foot monthly salaries of public officials, now worst hit unlike their peers in rebel ranks only expectant of the future.

Though may be finally paid out in periods far and between, these salaries in South Sudanese pounds when remitted to families living in East Africa or abroad face depreciating Dollar exchange rate now fluctuating between 1200 SSP and 1250 SSP per 100 Dollars.

These biting economic conditions are not only confined in South Sudan but also spilled over across regional borders.

They create multi-million Dollars deficits in the annual budgets of both Uganda and Sudan. Troops of these countries are accused of helping each other rebels with whoever eventually controls South Sudan bags the ultimate victory.

Investors too, both local and foreign, can’t continue with business as usual to serve the need of those still in government controlled areas due to the same worrying high exchange rate of Dollars government scarcely has. This is in despite of boosting its Dollar worthiness by raising visa’s value to hundred Dollars per a single entry into South Sudan.

Meaning, investors don’t have enough Dollars to buy goods and ferry in. And in event some become lucky in getting sufficiently enough, their goods bought in Dollars and later sold in Pounds, deliver more loss than required profit, making business and trade a lot more frustrating and unrewardingly meaningless.

This explains why most water and beverages industries are fatally knocked into a prolonged coma as the rest went down blow the violent waves of indefinite work boycotts, threatening a massive return to the already polluted Nile water for drinking, with knock on effects coming fast and furious on their way.

Such like water borne diseases and too many losing jobs with an alarming rapidity in business sector apart from making it do without salaries. The financial crunch may not even spare previously cash-proofed public sector, especially the army and foreign troops that have substantially offered a considerable lifeline to moribund Juba’s government.

But it is a situation victims have to put up with and not show slightest of complaint in order to safely avoid flying live bullets as the government publicly warned in the past of having no rubber ones to face off with would be street demonstrators.

Don’t ask what has become of Juba’s once pompously declared pet infrastructural projects now turned white elephant. That ‘’what question’’ is reflective of similar economic meltdown which has so far sent the government into frenzy of scrambling for options so as to turn the deadly rising tide.

One among many is sending one legion after another of well-armed battalions to the killing fields in Unity State so as to maintain momentum in the recaptured lucrative oil fields previously lost to the rebels.

Negotiating with East African countries on fixed currency rates with South Sudanese Pounds is one more alternative in a package of desperately touted economic measures.

That one measure is too good to be true since it may return the country to good old days when one South Sudanese pound was equivalent to 650 Uganda shillings or 25 Kenya shillings.

The move will equally make crazy demand for Dollars unnecessary. Though, its success will largely depend on benevolence of East African countries to accept economic loss so monumental for the good of their needy north eastern neighbor, South Sudan.

While South Sudan’s continuity to get enough South Sudanese Pounds to be able to exchange with East African currencies, as general money shortage in a near empty public coffer is increasingly alarming, remains to be seen.

Last option in worst case scenario, as public rumor has it, is the country diving under the auctioneer’s hammer for the highest bidder among the East African Community member states. That is in a sort of political union apparently to be reached between Juba and Kampala. The move may favorably work for the latter while becomes a loss of former’s sovereignty, hard earned just four years ago.

If the latter option proves truly successfulit will explain how hate has run so high between SPLM/A’s rival siblings proofed up on the laps of the perennial enemy tribes in South Sudan to the point of surrendering the country to a foreign pauper than make mutually accommodative peace with each other.

Deng Vanang, is a Journalist and Author of a book: South Sudan the Making of a Nation, a Journey from Ethnic Polities to Self-rule, State and Democracy. He can be reached This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it .

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