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Have we accepted our fate?

By: Cde. Sirir Gabriel Yiei Rut

February 7, 2015 (SSNA) -- Once upon a time, an African story goes, Tortoise fell into a deep pit latrine. For 10 years he lived in there and gave up any hope of rescue. But one day he heard voices passing by. “Get me out of here!” he shouted at the top of his voice, “I can’t stand it any longer!”

Imagine how Tortoise survived those 10 years in a deep, dark and filthy place. He got used to the stench of human waste and all that comes with it. He got used to the darkness.

He most likely survived on the filth. He very likely began to eat the filth itself and the low life that thrives in filthy places such as worms and algae. How else could he have got his daily sustenance?

It was, therefore, quite dishonest of him to claim he couldn’t stand it any longer.

South Sudanese have lived in a deep, dark and filthy place for a long time. Some were able to escape; we call them the south Sudanese Diaspora. But the majority were not able to. They didn’t have a choice, so they chose to get used to their place.

There are many things that South Sudanese have chosen to get used to; so many bad things they now take as normal. These have now become so much a part of their day-to-day living that anyone among them who tries to point them out is taken as someone who has been smoking something.

They have even fashioned a catchphrase to go with it. They cynically say "a goat tethered to a tree must survive with what it can get around the tree" justifying their inertia.

South Sudanese have forgotten what democracy is, so they remain quiet when their civil liberties are trampled upon. They have accepted they have no power to demand accountability from their government.

So when they see all the corruption, the nepotism and the tribal killings that goes with our daily living, they take it as normal.

They have been made to forget all the important pillars of democracy. When they see their leaders removing an elected official for self-interest and looting government funds, they are not moved. In fact, all they say: "who are we to talk."

All those women who agree to be abused by singing the praises of despots at political rallies; all those opportunists who bribe people to forget their direction and intimidate them into toeing the party line — they are all a sign that some people believe it is all right to live in filth.

We have accepted mediocrity. Our leaders don’t have to be achievers; all they need do is sing the loudest slogans, pummel into submission anyone who raises an eyelid and use State organs such as the police to keep people on leash.

The state of our hospitals is of no concern to them because they and their kith and kin get preferential treatment getting access to medicines that the ordinary people are denied. If they can’t get these, they have the wherewithal to go anywhere on the globe to access world-class healthcare.

Our education system continues to decline because of poor priorities; the ratio of textbooks to pupils is a joke.

Schools in some communal lands look like pigsties. The children don’t have the most basic of resources.

Needless to say the majority of our children do not have a chance in heaven to succeed.

But the state of our roads is the most glaring example of national failure.

The scale of road carnage shows just how primitive our transport system has become. But it seems our government thinks that declaring one traffic accident after another a national disaster is an achievement.

Government ministers seem to even cherish the occasions where they have to dish out “help” to bereaved families. This they do, not because of their compassionate nature, but to entrap people into their scheme of things – it’s a show of artificial benevolence meant to dupe people into supporting them during election time.

Analysts from across the globe are agreed the trouble with South Sudan is its leadership. Granted, politics is about contestation for power; one group fighting another or others to lay its hands on the reins of power. But when such contestation becomes an end in itself it becomes destructive and, therefore, fails to move the country forward.

In the past 9 years South Sudan politics has been about holding on to power by a ruling elite that feels a sense of entitlement that it has to hold on to the levers of power to eternity. This became its only motivation even when it became clear the country was going to be fragile because of it.

In the period of old Sudan, South Sudanese have seen how politics is not a life-giving force. The most disillusioned have begun to compare the present and the past and have yearned for a bygone era when, in spite of the political oppression, they seemed to thrive better. Of course this is a result of the irony that their liberators have often behaved worse than the oppressors of the past.

This feeling is now almost all-pervasive and has deadened the people’s political consciousness. When people cease to believe in hope they reach a stasis that enslaves them. Some who seem to succeed in the cocoon give the others a false sense of optimism that all will be fine when it is clear the only way to move forward is to break out.

Do South Sudanese need a passing voice to remind them they can’t stand it any longer?

Sirir Gabriel Yiei Rut is a writer and commentator and He is the Chairman of SPLM Youth League Chapter in Egypt he can be simply reach through This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it .

South Sudan and Uganda Soldiers Backed By Thousand of Militants Are Ready to Wage War Against Lou Nuer

By John Chuol Bol

February 7, 2015 (SSNA) -- We, the Lou Nuer sons and daughters in Diaspora have learnt the Genocial Regime comprised of Salva and Museveni of Uganda soldiers back by various notorious soldiers have prepared to attack you, the Lou Nuer at anytime this February 2015. Please be prepared to discipline them (Uganda and Salva Kiir with their blood money) accompanies based on your experiences of war. Use it now

Under Maj. Gen. Cde Dor Monjur and under the overall command of Lt. Gen. Chief of Staff Cde Simon Gatwech Dual  Hoth, A.K.A. Gatwech Loka, I and others who are very far away from you have trust  in the Lou Nuer, your campacity to defend our children, women, and elders. Simon Gatwech Dual Hoth contributed enormously then any commander during South-Sudan Civil War or South Sudan’s struggle for our freedom. He was the one who received and took hunderds of thousands of unarmed men and women who came along way from Bhar el Ghazal via Bor into Lou Nuer Land. Gatwechd Dual escorsted them from Lou Nuer areas to Bil Phaam, Gambella Ethiopia. He did that because he was a real son from the area who earned respect from his people. Guses what, Simon Gatwech Dual, Mabor Dholand Gabriel Tang were jailed multiple times right after the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) signed in 2005 and had been under detention until December 2013. Simon was humilated and finally attacked at his resident home in Juba before escaping for his life. In the meantime, James Otong Liah was jailed by the same regime to cover up the atrocities committed against Murles and Lou Nuer by Kuol Manyang Juuk while he was the Governor of Jonglei State by then. Kuol disarmed you, Lou Nuer first and armed Murles at the same time. James was jailed in Juba for no reason and was only released after Juba Genocide.

Meanwhile, Kuol Manyang Juuk was promoted to bring Ugandan armies to Juba and some to Jonglei to bomb you. Now, Simon Gatwech, Mabor Dhol, and James Otong are in Lou Nuer with hundreds of our sons who came with them from Juba, the capital terrorist regime to be with you and face the enemy together unlike other politicians and their body guards who are siding with the killers. I remember Lou Nuer Community members have never witnessed South Sudan Independent in terms of development leave alone basic services.  Rather, those politicians who claime to be representing the Lou Nuer constituencies have prayed for Kuol Manyang to survive. Those politicians have kneeled (knelt) down before Kuol Manyang like when those who used to do that under Longor, the past prophet. If you look closely the selection of the three illegal commissioners, two of them are the Member of Perliaments (MPs) representing Uror and Akobo at the South Sudan National Government respectively. Now they are mobilizing UPDF and SPLA of Juba to come and kill all Lou Nuer children, women, elders, and disabled persons.  I hope you fight for the death and make sure this planned attack against you becomes a turning point. Use what you have and deal with them accordingly.

Since 2005, Greater Lou Nuer areas have never received developments under those criminals of Juba of Kuol Manyang, Paul Malong Awan, Malual Ayom Dor, and the three illegal commissioners claimed to be in the frontline towards Lou Nuer Land. My message to all Lou Nuer Sons of Gojam Division is this. This is the last battle that will trun the page in the hisory of South Sudan. If you capture Ugandan People Defense Force (UPDF) Mercenary soldiers, do not waste your bullets. Just use the spears and sticks that our foregreat grandfathers used when fighting against colonizers. Mi wiak wa rom elong, dong be yie moi ke thiaal mi ciken bi nen;  yiathe ke ke bieeth tin coali yocni kie gang gangni. Malual Ayom and Kuol Manyang are the ones who have killed the Lou Nuer since 1984 till now. Now is their time to face it. Please do what you know to get them. This is another Battle of Pading of Nyirol that made the Jaang Ngok to lose for ever under the below symbol. Kabe ke kabe ke…ka yiathe ke…

Salva’s Battle to conquer Lou Nuer Land but history will tell.

Please, be prepared in all fronts and God is with you. Whoever comes to attack you in your blessed land, the individual will confess later. In 1984, Lou Nuer was attacked from multiples fronts by the same enemies of today to destroy the Prophet Ngundeng Bong’s historical place of Wech Deng. All of you may still remember what happened during the battle. The numbers of fighters at Wech Deng from our side was very small compared to the invaders, but the controller of Lou Land sent rain with foggy that came from nowhere and confused the invaders. Now you know the rest of the story………………………… talk to your fathers there. Now is the time for elders to back up Gojam Division and ask the owner of the land to send the help. I hope the controller is ready to fight back the invaders. Yien kabe Malual Ayom Dor e teke en nini titi…..

The author is a former SPLA Soldier (a veteran), former chairperson of SPLM Chapter who led the defection from the genocidal SPLM Juba into SPLM-IO and formed the SPLM-In Opposition Chapter of Edmonton, Alberta, Canada in 2014. He is now a senior SPLM-IO Member & a Political Analyst in Canada. He is reachable at:  This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it

The Armenian Genocide, the Khartoum Regime, and the National Prayer Breakfast

By Eric Reeves

February 4, 2015 (SSNA) -- The "National Prayer Breakfast"—a sixty-two year tradition in Washington, held annually on the first Friday in February—will this year commemorate the 100th anniversary of the Armenian genocide. Bringing together a wide range of guests from all fifty states and more than 100 countries, the event is hosted by the U.S. Congress and is designed to facilitate engagement between various social and religious groups. This year President Obama and the Dalai Lama are headline guests.

But we must wonder about the appropriateness of one of those invited, Foreign Minister Ali Ahmed Karti of the National Islamic Front/National Congress Party regime in Khartoum, Sudan. Any perusal of Karti's "record of service" to this cabal of génocidaires should make all in attendance uneasy, particularly given the terrible genocide of a century ago that is being commemorated on this occasion. For Karti has long been a key member of the regime and done some of its dirtiest work, particularly as head of the Popular Defense Forces (PDF)—a militia organization notorious for its savage attacks on civilians (Karti was appointed in 1997). The PDF were particularly active in the Nuba Mountains of South Kordofan, where the Nuba people were targeted for most of the 1990s in a brutal campaign of extermination. No student of the period characterizes the actions by Khartoum and its military and militia forces in the Nuba Mountains as anything other than genocide.

And Karti is presently the international face of a regime that remains committed to genocidal counter-insurgency in Darfur. Indeed, efforts to destroy the lives and livelihoods of the non-Arab or African tribal populations of Darfur have accelerated dramatically over the past three years, particularly in 2014, when some 500,000 people were newly displaced. The UN Panel of Experts on Darfur has recently reported that in the first five months of 2014, more than 3,300 villages were destroyed—overwhelmingly those of the region's African tribal groups. As has long been the case, displacement and violence in Darfur correlate extremely highly. North Darfur is presently the region that is enduring the worst atrocities committed against civilians, including mass rape, indiscriminate bombardment of civilian targets, village destruction, land appropriation, and murder on a large scale. Again, the targets are inevitably the African tribal groups of the region perceived as supporting the longstanding rebellion; and Khartoum is using not only its regular Sudan Armed Forces (SAF), but the new Arab militia force known as the Rapid Response Forces (RSF), a part of the legacy of the PDF that Ali Karti once headed.

Currently some 3 million Darfuris are internally displaced or refugees in eastern Chad; many more are in critical need of relief efforts, efforts by distinguished international humanitarian organizations that Khartoum has, for more than a decade, systematically obstructed, harassed, expelled, and intimidated.

And yet Karti has attempted during his tenure as Foreign Minister—he was appointed in January 2010—to minimize the genocidal destruction in Darfur. In August 2011, speaking to a pending UN resolution—Karti's office declared at his behest:

"The resolution is full of negative and obsolete references to be resolved within the framework of the tripartite mechanism, such as visa problems and allegations of aerial bombardment and the violation of human rights," the foreign ministry said. (Agence France-Presse [Khartoum], 2 August 2011.

In fact, what Karti referred to as "allegations" had for years been substantiated by every human rights group working on Darfur (until they were all expelled, along with all independent journalists). These include Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, and Physicians for Human Rights. The civilian bombings were and have continued to be verified by the UN Panel of Experts on Darfur. To refer to confirmed atrocity crimes as mere "allegations" tells us that above all, Karti represents the NIF/NCP regime, not the people of Sudan. And there is nothing "obsolete" about the daily reports of atrocity crimes committed in Darfur.

In short, Khartoum continues to wage genocidal counter-insurgency war in Darfur, and efforts by Karti to minimize these realities make him deeply complicit.

The regime Karti represents to the world also continues its campaign of more than three years against the people of the Nuba Mountains and Blue Nile State. Relentless aerial and ground assaults in the two areas have left more than one million people displaced and without humanitarian resources; many are close to starvation because Khartoum has imposed an embargo on all relief efforts in areas controlled by the Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army-North (SPLM/A-N). It is nothing less than a repeat of the genocidal campaign of the 1990s in the Nuba. And for this, too, Karti makes no apology—even when SAF combat aircraft deliberately strike at hospitals, as has been the case at the Mother of Mercy Hospital in Gidel and the Doctors Without Borders/Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) hospital in Frandala, South Kordofan. The latter, winner of the 1999 Nobel Peace Prize, has been attacked twice in the past year, despite apprising Khartoum of their location.

Because Karti is well-spoken, and has made some of the right noises for Western audiences, he is the point-person in Khartoum's present charm offensive, particularly as it is addressed to the U.S. and the Obama administration. Karti has met with former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and twice with current Secretary of State John Kerry. The effort, evidently encouraged by the Obama administration, is to achieve a détente between Washington and Khartoum. So lustful for counter-terrorism intelligence is the Obama administration that it is willing to overlook all the crimes this regime must answer for. Notably, for example, at a meeting on October 1, 2013,

Secretary of State John Kerry met his Sudanese counterpart [Karti] for talks on Monday on the South Sudan peace process and conflict-hit areas like Darfur, but did not raise U.S. concerns over the government’s crackdown on protesters, the State Department said. (Reuters [UN/New York], 1 October 2013…

This meeting followed immediately upon an extraordinarily bloody effort by the regime to put down a popular uprising over rapidly declining economic conditions. Amnesty International reported at the time that security personnel had been given "shoot to kill" orders in dealing with demonstrators, and many hundreds were killed or wounded in Khartoum, Omdurman, and other major towns in Sudan. Kerry knew this, but chose not to raise the issue with Karti. Karti for his part would have subsequently reported to the génocidaires in Khartoum that the U.S. was not inclined to press the regime on human rights abuses of the worst sort, this in exchange for putative counter-terrorism intelligence provided by Khartoum (which hosted Osama bin Laden from 1992 – 1996, the years during which al-Qaeda came to fruition).

Nor has the Obama administration pushed for a humanitarian corridor to be opened to the people of the Nuba or Blue Nile; indeed, the administration never speaks about these scenes of terrible human suffering and destruction. Thousands have already died from malnutrition and disease, and some 200,000 have fled to Ethiopia or South Sudan. People have fled their homes and villages to live in caves or ravines—desperate to escape the shrapnel-loaded barrel bombs that are a daily reality, particularly in the Nuba. For this Karti makes no apology; indeed, he and other civilians in the regime have long ceded decisions about war and peace to senior military officials. One of these men, Defense Minister Abdel Rahim Mohamed Hussein, has been indicted by the international Criminal Court for massive crimes against humanity in Darfur; President and Field Marshal Omar al-Bashir has been indicted by the Court on multiple counts of crimes against humanity and genocide.

The failure of the Obama administration to push hard and publicly for a humanitarian corridor to provide food, medicine, and shelter to many hundreds of thousands of human beings gives us all too clear a picture of the cost of doing business with the regime Karti represents.

Karti has arrived in the U.S. for the National Prayer Breakfast with a visa issued by the Obama administration's State Department. He is accompanied by a less conspicuous but no less savage regime survivalist, political secretary of the NIF/NCP Ibrahim Ghandour, who was also issued a visa by the State Department. Ghandour's views are revealed in the leaked minutes of a secret August 31, 2014 meeting of the most senior military and security officials, where he reveals his support for (among other policies) a scorched-earth campaign in the Nuba Mountains, designed to "starve"—the word accurately translates the Arabic—the Nuba people by burning their fall sorghum crop, the staple grain of the region. His comments from the minutes are excerpted and annotated at . His main task is clearly to rig the "re-election" of President al-Bashir; and the lengths to which the regime is prepared to go to orchestrate a "legitimizing" electoral process are both extraordinary and extraordinarily comprehensive—and completely corrupt.

The Obama administration has already declared its willingness to stand by the regime despite its record of serial genocides, which includes the massive human destruction and displacement of the Nuer people during the "oil war" (1997 – 2002) in what was then Western Upper Nile, now Unity State. Karti's PDF militias were active participants in the conflict at this point. Former special presidential envoy for Sudan, Princeton Lyman, declared in late 2011—after the campaigns of annihilation were well underway in South Kordofan and Blue Nile, and continuing in Darfur:

“We do not want to see the ouster of the [Khartoum] regime, nor regime change. We want to see the regime carrying out reform via constitutional democratic measures.” (Asharq Al-Awsat, 3 December 2011 |

By "we" Lyman meant the Obama administration, which has expediently indulged this preposterous political scenario. This is the same administration that decided to "de-couple" Darfur from the issue of real strategic interest: counter-terrorism cooperation with Khartoum. The word "de-couple" was used by an unnamed senior State Department official, but was reported in the official transcript.

The Armenian genocide should be commemorated at a National Prayer Breakfast; the refusal to recognize this genocide—and the belated recognition by much of the world—is a failure to acknowledge the terrible suffering and destruction of the Armenian people a century ago—it remains a "stain on our soul." But this is the same phrase that candidate Obama used to describe Darfur in 2007:

"When you see a genocide in Rwanda, Bosnia or in Darfur, that is a stain on all of us, a stain on our souls .... We can’t say 'never again' and then allow it to happen again, and as a president of the United States I don’t intend to abandon people or turn a blind eye to slaughter." ( )

Obama's attendance at this year's National Prayer Breakfast, in the company of Khartoum's Foreign Minister Ali Karti, signals precisely that he is "turning a blind eye" to realities in Darfur, South Kordofan, and Blue Nile—that he has "abandoned" them to on the going slaughter in which Ali Karti is deeply complicit.

It is a day of national disgrace.

Eric Reeves is the Author of Compromising With Evil: An archival history of greater Sudan, 2007-2012 (

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